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Government of Cabo Verde - History

Government of Cabo Verde - History


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conventional long form: Republic of Cabo Verde
conventional short form: Cabo Verde
local long form: Republica de Cabo Verde
local short form: Cabo Verde
etymology: the name derives from Cap-Vert (Green Cape) on the Senegalese coast, the westernmost point of Africa and the nearest mainland to the islands
Government type: This entry gives the basic form of government. Definitions of the major governmental terms are as follows. (Note that for some countries more than one definition applies.): Absolute monarchy - a form of government where the monarch rules unhindered, i.e., without any laws, constitution, or legally organized opposition. Anarchy - a condition of lawlessness or political disorder brought about by the absence of governmental authority. Authoritarian - a form of government in whic . more Government type field listing
parliamentary republic
Capital: This entry gives the name of the seat of government, its geographic coordinates, the time difference relative to Coordinated Universal Time (UTC) and the time observed in Washington, DC, and, if applicable, information on daylight saving time (DST). Where appropriate, a special note has been added to highlight those countries that have multiple time zones. Capital field listing
name: Praia
geographic coordinates: 14 55 N, 23 31 W
time difference: UTC-1 (4 hours ahead of Washington, DC, during Standard Time)
etymology: the earlier Portuguese name was Villa de Praia ("Village of the Beach"); it became just Praia in 1974 (prior to full independence in 1975)
Administrative divisions: This entry generally gives the numbers, designatory terms, and first-order administrative divisions as approved by the US Board on Geographic Names (BGN). Changes that have been reported but not yet acted on by the BGN are noted. Geographic names conform to spellings approved by the BGN with the exception of the omission of diacritical marks and special characters. Administrative divisions field listing
22 municipalities (concelhos, singular - concelho); Boa Vista, Brava, Maio, Mosteiros, Paul, Porto Novo, Praia, Ribeira Brava, Ribeira Grande, Ribeira Grande de Santiago, Sal, Santa Catarina, Santa Catarina do Fogo, Santa Cruz, Sao Domingos, Sao Filipe, Sao Lourenco dos Orgaos, Sao Miguel, Sao Salvador do Mundo, Sao Vicente, Tarrafal, Tarrafal de Sao Nicolau
Independence: For most countries, this entry gives the date that sovereignty was achieved and from which nation, empire, or trusteeship. For the other countries, the date given may not represent "independence" in the strict sense, but rather some significant nationhood event such as the traditional founding date or the date of unification, federation, confederation, establishment, fundamental change in the form of government, or state succession. For a number of countries, the establishment of statehood . more Independence field listing
5 July 1975 (from Portugal)
National holiday: This entry gives the primary national day of celebration - usually independence day. National holiday field listing
Independence Day, 5 July (1975)
Constitution: This entry provides information on a country’s constitution and includes two subfields. The history subfield includes the dates of previous constitutions and the main steps and dates in formulating and implementing the latest constitution. For countries with 1-3 previous constitutions, the years are listed; for those with 4-9 previous, the entry is listed as “several previous,” and for those with 10 or more, the entry is “many previous.” The amendments subfield summarizes the process of am . more Constitution field listing
history: previous 1981; latest effective 25 September 1992
amendments: proposals require support of at least four fifths of the active National Assembly membership; amendment drafts require sponsorship of at least one third of the active Assembly membership; passage requires at least two-thirds majority vote by the Assembly membership; constitutional sections, including those on national independence, form of government, political pluralism, suffrage, and human rights and liberties, cannot be amended; revised 1995, 1999, 2010
Legal system: This entry provides the description of a country's legal system. A statement on judicial review of legislative acts is also included for a number of countries. The legal systems of nearly all countries are generally modeled upon elements of five main types: civil law (including French law, the Napoleonic Code, Roman law, Roman-Dutch law, and Spanish law); common law (including United State law); customary law; mixed or pluralistic law; and religious law (including Islamic law). An addition . more Legal system field listing
civil law system of Portugal
International law organization participation: This entry includes information on a country's acceptance of jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and of the International Criminal Court (ICCt); 59 countries have accepted ICJ jurisdiction with reservations and 11 have accepted ICJ jurisdiction without reservations; 122 countries have accepted ICCt jurisdiction. Appendix B: International Organizations and Groups explains the differing mandates of the ICJ and ICCt. International law organization participation field listing
has not submitted an ICJ jurisdiction declaration; accepts ICCt jurisdiction
Citizenship: This entry provides information related to the acquisition and exercise of citizenship; it includes four subfields: citizenship by birth describes the acquisition of citizenship based on place of birth, known as Jus soli, regardless of the citizenship of parents. citizenship by descent only describes the acquisition of citizenship based on the principle of Jus sanguinis, or by descent, where at least one parent is a citizen of the state and being born within the territorial limits of the s . more Citizenship field listing
citizenship by birth: no
citizenship by descent only: at least one parent must be a citizen of Cabo Verde
dual citizenship recognized: yes
residency requirement for naturalization: 5 years
Suffrage:
18 years of age; universal
Executive branch:: President Jorge Carlos FONSECA (since 9 September 2011)
head of government: Prime Minister Ulisses CORREIA E. SILVA (since 22 April 2016)
cabinet: Council of Ministers appointed by the president on the recommendation of the prime minister
elections/appointments: president directly elected by absolute majority popular vote in 2 rounds if needed for a 5-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held on 2 October 2016 (next to be held in 2021); prime minister nominated by the National Assembly and appointed by the president
election results: Jorge Carlos FONSECA reelected president; percent of vote - Jorge Carlos FONSECA (MPD) 74%, Albertino GRACA (independent) 23%, other 3%
Legislative branch:
description: unicameral National Assembly or Assembleia Nacional (72 seats; members directly elected in multi-seat constituencies by proportional representation vote; members serve 5-year terms)
elections: last held on 20 March 2016 (next to be held in 2021)
election results: percent of vote by party MPD 54.5%, PAICV 38.2%, UCID 7%, other 0.3%; seats by party - MPD 40, PAICV 29, UCID 3; composition - men 57, women 15, percent of women 20.8%
Judicial branch
highest courts: Supreme Court of Justice (consists of the chief justice and at least 7 judges and organized into civil, criminal, and administrative sections)
judge selection and term of office: judge appointments - 1 by the president of the republic, 1 elected by the National Assembly, and 3 by the Superior Judicial Council (SJC), a 16-member independent body chaired by the chief justice and includes the attorney general, 8 private citizens, 2 judges, 2 prosecutors, the senior legal inspector of the Attorney General's office, and a representative of the Ministry of Justice; chief justice appointed by the president of the republic from among peers of the Supreme Court of Justice and in consultation with the SJC; judges appointed for life
subordinate courts: appeals courts, first instance (municipal) courts; audit, military, and fiscal and customs courts
Political parties and leaders: This entry includes a listing of significant political parties, coalitions, and electoral lists as of each country's last legislative election, unless otherwise noted. Political parties and leaders field listing
rz African Party for Independence of Cabo Verde or PAICV [Janira Hopffer ALMADA]
Democratic and Independent Cabo Verdean Union or UCID [Antonio MONTEIRO]
Democratic Christian Party or PDC [Manuel RODRIGUES]
Democratic Renovation Party or PRD [Victor FIDALGO]
Movement for Democracy or MPD [Ulisses CORREIA E SILVA]
Party for Democratic Convergence or PCD [Dr. Eurico MONTEIRO]
Party of Work and Solidarity or PTS [Anibal MEDINA]
Social Democratic Party or PSD [Joao ALEM]


Cape Verde Gets New Name: 5 Things to Know About How Maps Change

National Geographic's chief geographer gives us a behind-the-scenes look at his job.

The country, made up of ten islands about 350 miles (570 kilometers) off the coast of western Africa, is getting an identity makeover and reverting back to its original Portuguese name: the Republic of Cabo Verde, or República de Cabo Verde, the UN announced on October 24.

Portuguese explorers came upon the peninsula now called Cap-Vert, the westernmost peninsula in Africa and a Sengalese port, in 1444 they christened it Cabo Verde, which means "green cape." They then used the same name for the islands to the west, which became the country of Cabo Verde.

Centuries ago, the country anglicized its name to Cape Verde.

This got us wondering: How are maps changed? We talked to National Geographic's director of editorial and research for maps and chief geographer, Juan José Valdés, and learned five things you should know about the shifting world of maps.

1. Who's in charge of maps, anyway?

There isn't really an international agency of mapmaking.

"When mapping the world, cartographers are faced with one of two options: to map de jure [by law] or de facto [in reality]," Valdés said. "Because of differences in national mapping policies, to date there does not exist an international governing body that sets such map standards."

This means that each cartographic organization is in charge of creating maps that are as factually accurate as possible. For National Geographic, the policy is to follow the de facto approach and create maps mirroring reality rather than politics.

Which leads us to our next fact:

2. Cartographers map reality.

When asked how many times a year his department alters maps, Valdés laughed.

"Oof!" he exclaimed. "It's hard to say. We make changes as they happen."

Maps are a snapshot in time, according to Valdés.

"We map reality, what's currently existing on the ground," he said. If anything changes—whether it be borders of a country or a shrinking coastline or the addition of cities and states—maps become instantly outdated.

"We make changes as they happen," Valdés said. That means maps are current only as of their publishing. "Something is always happening," he said, whether it be elevations or minute boundary delineations.

Valdés added: "Assume nothing. The world is constantly changing."

Case in point: The 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan made some towns around the Fukushima nuclear plant ghost towns. With no population in these cities for the time being, should they be marked? (See pictures inside Fukushima.)

"Large-format maps of Japan will portray the towns," Valdés said. "They will be identified with an open town spot accompanied by a general map note addressing [their] current status."

3. Map changes aren't as simple as deleting old borders and names.

Changing official maps isn't as easy as altering a border or retyping the name of a country, Valdés said.

Changing a country's name, for instance, can be done immediately online and will show up on the next printing of the official map, he said.

But some changes require more work, particularly for places like disputed borders or bodies of water claimed by multiple entities.

"If it's a change with a sensitive area, then we have to do extensive research," Valdés said. "What is the national government policy [on the area's cartography]? Who's administering [the area]?

"We contact experts and the country for views and opinions. And then we go through a map policy committee" at National Geographic that examines the area in question and determines whether (and if so, how) a change should be made.

4. Naming a place is tricky.

Valdés notes that politics also comes into play in rerouting a line or renaming a place like Cabo Verde.

What about different versions, when one group might find one preferential but another might find it insulting? In the case of Mumbai, which is the regional name for the city that was called Bombay as a vestige of British colonialism, National Geographic style is to use both: Mumbai (Bombay).

Or what about historical names that have since been changed to modern and/or local names? Maps show Constantinople's change to Istanbul and Saigon's new identity as Ho Chi Minh City.

Consider also the case of places that are recognized by some governments and not recognized by others. The classic example is the Palestinian territories: Placing the Palestinian territories on a map angers some groups not identifying the Palestinian territories as a state angers others.

"It's not always easily done," Valdés said.

5. Being a cartographer means also being a detective.

You might think the chief geographer at National Geographic stares at maps all day, but much of his job involves tracking the news.

Not every map change is a publicized event, and even if it is, it may remain highly localized, which means Valdés spends much of his time "sleuthing" for the latest news in cartography.

"Had it not been for a two-paragraph article in an obscure Spanish news site in the fall of 2010, we would not have been aware of the creation of two new Cuban provinces on New Year's Day in 2011," Valdés recalled.

Cabo Verde's name change, however, was well publicized and has given Valdés plenty of time to update the Society's official atlases.

"We've just started updating our maps," Valdés said. "The very first one cleared five minutes ago."


Land and Climate

The islands of Cabo Verde are volcanic in origin. The highest peak is Pico, an active volcano on Fogo Island that rises to 9,281 feet (2,829 meters). All of the islands have been eroded, or worn, by sand carried by high winds. The eastern islands are older and have been worn down more. They are thus flatter, with plains and lowlands. The western islands of Cabo Verde are mountainous, with rocky, jagged terrain. Small valleys stretch out from the mountains to the shore. The climate is hot and dry with almost no rainfall. The sun is sometimes blocked by a dense mist of fine sand brought by trade winds from the Sahara.

The Barlavento (Windward) Islands consist of the islands of Santo Antão, São Vicente, Santa Luzia (which is uninhabited), São Nicolau, Boa Vista, and Sal, together with the islets of Raso and Branco. The Sotavento (Leeward) Islands include the islands of Maio, São Tiago, Fogo, and Brava and the three islets called the Rombos. The islets are named Grande, Luís Carneiro, and Cima. The country’s largest port is Mindelo, or Porto Grande, on São Vicente. Its deepwater harbor serves vessels of any size and is used primarily as a fueling station.

On the leeward (downwind) sides of the islands there are desert conditions. On most of the larger islands the windward slopes (those facing the wind) are relatively moist, and grasses and some pine plantations are found there. A sea mist on the higher hills provides enough moisture for some agriculture. Among the wildlife of Cabo Verde are monkeys, bats, sea turtles, lizards, butterflies, and more than 100 species of birds.


People and Society

Population

Nationality

noun: Cabo Verdean(s)

adjective: Cabo Verdean

Ethnic groups

Creole (Mulatto) 71%, African 28%, European 1%

Languages

Portuguese (official), Krioulo (a Portuguese-based Creole language with two main dialects spoken in Cabo Verde and in the Cabo Verdean diaspora worldwide)

Religions

Roman Catholic 77.3%, Protestant 4.6% (includes Church of the Nazarene 1.7%, Adventist 1.5%, Assembly of God 0.9%, Universal Kingdom of God 0.4%, and God and Love 0.1%), other Christian 3.4% (includes Christian Rationalism 1.9%, Jehovah's Witness 1%, and New Apostolic 0.5%), Muslim 1.8%, other 1.3%, none 10.8%, unspecified 0.7% (2010 est.)

Demographic profile

Cabo Verde’s population descends from its first permanent inhabitants in the late 15th-century – a preponderance of West African slaves, a small share of Portuguese colonists, and even fewer Italians, Spaniards, and Portuguese Jews. Over the centuries, the country’s overall population size has fluctuated significantly, as recurring periods of famine and epidemics have caused high death tolls and emigration.

Labor migration historically reduced Cabo Verde’s population growth and still provides a key source of income through remittances. Expatriates probably outnumber Cabo Verde’s resident population, with most families having a member abroad. Cabo Verdeans have settled in the US, Europe, Africa, and South America. The largest diaspora community in New Bedford, Massachusetts, dating to the early 1800s, is a byproduct of the transatlantic whaling industry. Cabo Verdean men fleeing poverty at home joined the crews of US whaling ships that stopped in the islands. Many settled in New Bedford and stayed in the whaling or shipping trade, worked in the textile or cranberry industries, or operated their own transatlantic packet ships that transported compatriots to the US. Increased Cabo Verdean emigration to the US coincided with the gradual and eventually complete abolition of slavery in the archipelago in 1878.

During the same period, Portuguese authorities coerced Cabo Verdeans to go to Sao Tome and Principe and other Portuguese colonies in Africa to work as indentured laborers on plantations. In the 1920s, when the US implemented immigration quotas, Cabo Verdean emigration shifted toward Portugal, West Africa (Senegal), and South America (Argentina). Growing numbers of Cabo Verdean labor migrants headed to Western Europe in the 1960s and 1970s. They filled unskilled jobs in Portugal, as many Portuguese sought out work opportunities in the more prosperous economies of northwest Europe. Cabo Verdeans eventually expanded their emigration to the Netherlands, where they worked in the shipping industry. Migration to the US resumed under relaxed migration laws. Cabo Verdean women also began migrating to southern Europe to become domestic workers, a trend that continues today and has shifted the gender balance of Cabo Verdean emigration.

Emigration has declined in more recent decades due to the adoption of more restrictive migration policies in destination countries. Reduced emigration along with a large youth population, decreased mortality rates, and increased life expectancies, has boosted population growth, putting further pressure on domestic employment and resources. In addition, Cabo Verde has attracted increasing numbers of migrants in recent decades, consisting primarily of people from West Africa, Portuguese-speaking African countries, Portugal, and China. Since the 1990s, some West African migrants have used Cabo Verde as a stepping stone for illegal migration to Europe.

Age structure

0-14 years: 27.95% (male 82,010/female 81,012)

15-24 years: 18.69% (male 54,521/female 54,504)

25-54 years: 40.76% (male 115,811/female 121,923)

55-64 years: 7.12% (male 18,939/female 22,597)

65 years and over: 5.48% (male 12,037/female 19,901) (2020 est.)


Cabo Verde

Cape Verde (or Cabo Verde as the nation now prefers to be called) is located on an archipelago in the Atlantic Ocean, just off the West coast of Guinea-Bissau. The first permanent settlers of the island chain were Portuguese explorers who are believed to have settled there in 1462 [i] [ii] . Historically, the archipelago was used as a stop-over for enslaved people being transported across the Atlantic, and for supply ships going to the Portuguese colonies. Cape Verde remained under Portuguese rule until 1975 [iii], when it was officially declared independent. Attempts at creating a unified state with Guinea-Bissau were abandoned in the 1980s [iv].

Since 1991 Cape Verde has been a multi-party democracy, with a change in their ruling party in several elections. In the African context the country is known for its political pluralism and stability [v] . In 2013 Cape Verde changed its official name in the UN General Assembly to Cabo Verde.

Early Settlements

The early settlement in Cape Verde by Arab and African fishermen has only been related through oral history, and remains a part of the mythological stories of origin of the archipelago. It is generally agreed that the Islands where uninhabited when the Portuguese first landed in 1456 [vi] . Several explorers have been credited with being the first Europeans to discover Cape Verde: Diogo Gomes, Diogo Dias, Diogo Alfonso, and Alvise Cadamosto [vii] . It was António de Noli, however, who was credited with the discovery by the King of Portugal, King Alfonso V. António de Noli was an Italian sailor from Genoa and was later appointed Governor of the Cape Verde archipelago [viii].

Cape Verde was the first European colony in a tropical climate [ix] and could be considered as the starting point of Portugal's colonial Empire. The first settlement on Cape Verde was founded in 1462 (30 years before Columbus arrived in the Americas) and it was called Ribeira Grande.

Cape Verdean Society under Portuguese rule

In the first centuries of Portuguese rule in Cape Verde, the archipelago was not seen as a colony but rather as an extension of Portugal [x] . This meant that there was little animosity between the residents of Cape Verde and the Portuguese authorities. While the Portuguese colonisers attempted to establish an economy based on plantations, efforts were never an economic success as the dry climate was not conducive to growing sugar or cotton.

Slavery and the transatlantic slave trade was therefore the core of the Cape Verdean economy, and Cape Verde was a trading post for enslaved people coming from Guinea-Bissau and going to Brazil. Cape Verde was strategically placed between Africa and the Americas for becoming a supply port for the transatlantic slave trade both Portuguese and foreign ships would use the islands for refilling supplies. Because of the transnational impact of the slave trade, Cape Verde became a culturally diverse society [xi] [xii]. A number of the enslaved people who were brought to Cape Verde would remain there, forced to work in the agricultural sector on Cape Verdean plantations. Others would have a short stay on the archipelago during which they would be culturally and materially prepared for the working and living conditions in other Portuguese colonies. Although the enslaved people retained many of their African cultural traditions, creolisation saw the construction of cultures that fused European and African cultural traditions and languages. This creolisation would powerfully shape the cultural and linguistic traditions of Cape Verde [xiii]

Although the official language was Portuguese it was at this time that the Cape Verde creole language ‘Kriolu’ became one of the most commonly spoken languages in the area [xiv] . The Kriolu language was also spoken in Guinea-Bissau and would become a tool for the two countries’ shared struggle for liberation from the Portuguese Empire. [xv]

In 1807 the British government passed the Abolition of Slave Act, abolishing the slave trade in the British Empire, and while this did not end slavery it severely reduced the demand for slaves and made the actual transatlantic slave trade illegal [xvi]. This legislation would have a great impact on the Cape Verde, as the slave trade had been a central part of the Cape Verdean economy [xvii]. The end of the slave trade meant an end to much of the economic activity on Cape Verde and the archipelago was increasingly ignored by the Portuguese mainland. Supplies were not brought in as often as before and starvation became commonplace, causing people to emigrate to other countries. Whalers from the United States of America also used Cape Verde as a supply base at the time, resulting in many young Cape Verdian men seeking employment on whaling ships and emigrating to the United States when the ships returned home.

The last 50 years of the 1800s was a period of decline for Cape Verde. By the 1840s the transatlantic slave trade was in steep decline. [xviii] The end of the slave trade resulted in the archipelago becoming increasingly insignificant as a supply base. In addition Portugal was no longer providing sufficient supplies and materials to the inhabitants of Cape Verde, an omission that created discontent towards the Portuguese authorities [xix]

Struggle for Independence

The neglect of Cape Verde by Portugal continued into the first half of the 1900s. Cape Verde was plagued by natural disasters and food shortages, which Portugal did little to mitigate [xx] . In 1926 a totalitarian regime assumed power in Portugal, an event that caused increasing discontent towards Portuguese rule in Cape Verde. This discontent gave rise to the formation of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), founded on 19 September 1956 [xxi].

Comprising a small chain of islands with a small population, Cape Verde was not a particularly strategic location for the type of protracted guerrilla warfare that had been waged in other Portuguese colonies [xxii] . The people involved in the struggle for independence realised that they needed to be connected to the struggles on mainland Portuguese colonies if they were to stand a chance of gaining independence. Since Cape Verde had a better education system than the other Portuguese African colonies it was used to train colonial administrators who would work in various parts of the Portuguese Empire. This meant that in the Portuguese colony of Guinea-Bissau, there were many Cape Verdean administrators and workers. When Guinea-Bissau launched their independence movement, Cape Verdeans were a core part of that group [xxiii]

PAIGC was therefore formed as a party working for the independence of both countries [xxiv] . One of the founders of PAIGC, Amilcar Cabral, was born of Cape Verdean parents, but lived in Guinea-Bissau [xxv] . The PAIGC launched a program of unity between Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, with Cabral arguing that this would enable Cape Verde to simultaneously fight for its own independence and would prevent the colony from moving further under Portuguese control [xxvi] . In 1973 Cabral was assassinated by a Guinean man as part of a plot engineered by the Portuguese secret services [xxvii] , and the concept of unity espoused by Cabral and the PAIGC elite that had proved useful during the liberation struggle failed to take root in the two countries after independence.

The PAIGC would wage a guerrilla war against the Portuguese authorities, but none of the fighting took place in Cape Verde. Some scholars argue that Cape Verde's later success in establishing a democracy was aided by the absence of actual fighting in the country. The PAIGC would only become active on Cape Verdean territory after the April 1974 revolution in Portugal which toppled the authoritarian regime in the country. The fall of the Portuguese dictatorship paved the way for independence for Portugal's colonial possessions in Africa. In 1975 Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau declared independence from Portugal and Aristides Maria Pereira became the first president of Cape Verde.

Cape Verde after Independence

Cape Verde had a national election which elected a national assembly on 30 June 1975. Cape Verde's precarious situation as an island state in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean led the national assembly to declare the country neutral in the Cold War. Cape Verde maintained good relations with both the U.S.A and Soviet Union during the entirety of the Cold War, and the country never accommodated any foreign military presence as a part of its strict adherence to neutrality.

After a military coup in Guinea-Bissau in 1980 [xxviii] the last remnants of unity between it and Cape Verde disappeared. The PAIGC split into two, with one faction forming the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) which took power in Cape Verde. This split ended the attempts to form a unifiied state between Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde [xxix] . The PAICV and the PAIGC were both dedicated to bringing socialism to the country through slow and pragmatic reforms. A Lisbon-educated grouping in the government of Cape Verde propogated more radical socialist reforms and broke off from the rest of the party in what is known as the “Trotskyite crisis”. Freedom of the press and other civil rights were reduced because of the tensions that followed this political crisis and in 1980, the PAICV declared Cape Verde a one party state [xxx]. Parliamentary elections continued, however, and in 1985 several independent candidates were elected on the PAICV lists, including the future leader of the Movement for Democracy (MPD), Carlos Veiga. After the 1985 parliamentary elections pressure mounted in favour of a multi-party elections.

The fall of the Soviet bloc and the subsequent wave of democratisation in Eastern European states ignited a global drive for democratic reform. Some scholars argue that many leaders in Cape Verde viewed these reforms as beneficial for attracting European and American donors.

In January 1991 the first multi-party parliamentary elections were held in Cape Verde [xxxi]. That same year dissidents within the PAICV (such as those involved in the “Trotskyite crisis” of 1978 -79) joined together with the independent candidates on the PAICV lists and formed the Movimento para Democracia (MPD) [xxxii] . The MPD won the election with 62% of the vote and landed a majority in parliament. Carlos Vega was elected prime minister by parliament, and later that year the MPD candidate, António Mascarenhas Monteiro, won the presidential elections with 73% of the vote.

In 2013 Cape Verde submitted a request to the United Nations for the country to be called Cabo Verde in all languages, as this is what the country is called in Portuguese [xxxiii] . The request specifically stated that the name is not to be translated when used in an official capacity.[xxxiv]

[i] Diffey, Bailey W. and Winius, George D. 1977. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Ontario:University of Minnesota Press. Page 469.↵

[ii] Halter, Marilyn. 2013. ‘Cape Verdeans and Cape Verdean Americans, 1870-1940’ in Immigrants in American History: Arrival, Adaptation, and Integration, Volume 1. Barkan, Elliott Robert (eds). 2013. ABC-CLIO Publisher. Page 269.↵

[iii] Meyns, Peter. 2013. ‘Cape Verde: An African Exception’ in Journal of Democracy, Volume 13, Number 3, July 2002, pp. 153-165 (Article).Page 154.↵

[v] Baker, Bruce. 2006. ‘Cape Verde: the most democratic nation in Africa?’in The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Dec., 2006), pp. 493-511. Cambridge University Press. Page 493.↵

[vi] Halter, Marilyn. 2013. ‘Cape Verdeans and Cape Verdean Americans, 1870-1940’ in Immigrants in American History: Arrival, Adaptation, and Integration, Volume 1. Barkan, Elliott Robert (eds). 2013. ABC-CLIO Publisher. Page 269.↵

[vii] Diffey, Bailey W. and Winius, George D. 1977. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Ontario:University of Minnesota Press.↵

[x] Halter, Marilyn. 2013. ‘Cape Verdeans and Cape Verdean Americans, 1870-1940’ in Immigrants in American History: Arrival, Adaptation, and Integration, Volume 1. Barkan, Elliott Robert (eds). 2013. ABC-CLIO Publisher. Page 269.↵

[xii] Almeida, Miguel Vale de. 2007. ‘From Miscegenation to Creole Identity: Portuguese Colonialism, Brazil, Cape Verde’ in Charles Stewart (ed). Creolization: History, Ethnography, Theory. Charles Stewart (eds). Left Coast Press.↵

[xv] Meyns, Peter. 2013. ‘Cape Verde: An African Exception’ in Journal of Democracy, Volume 13, Number 3, July 2002, pp. 153-165 (Article).Page 154.↵

[xvi] Rawley, James. A., with Behrendt, Stephen D. 2005. The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History . Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. Page 147. ↵

[xvii] Halter, Marilyn. 2013. ‘Cape Verdeans and Cape Verdean Americans, 1870-1940’ in Immigrants in American History: Arrival, Adaptation, and Integration, Volume 1. Barkan, Elliott Robert (eds). 2013. ABC-CLIO Publisher. Page 270. ↵

[xxi] Loban, Richard and Mendy, Peter Karibe. 2013. Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau , Scarecrow Press, Page 305 ↵

[xxii] Meyns, Peter. 2013. ‘Cape Verde: An African Exception’ in Journal of Democracy, Volume 13, Number 3, July 2002, pp. 153-165 (Article).Page 154.↵

[xxx] Baker, Bruce. 2006. ‘Cape Verde: the most democratic nation in Africa?’in The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Dec., 2006), pp. 493-511. Cambridge University Press. Page 494.↵

[xxxi] Meyns, Peter. 2013. ‘Cape Verde: An African Exception’ in Journal of Democracy, Volume 13, Number 3, July 2002, pp. 153-165 (Article).Page 158.↵

[xxxiii] Lima, Antonio Pedro Monteiro. 2013. ‘Request for United Nations General Assembly: Change of Name Cape Verde’. United Nations inter-office memorandum to Mr. Tegegnework Gettu in the Department of General Assembly and Conference Management. 29 October 2013.↵

Almeida, Miguel Vale de. 2007. ‘From Miscegenation to Creole Identity: Portuguese Colonialism, Brazil, Cape Verde’ in Charles Stewart (ed). Creolization: History, Ethnography, Theory. Charles Stewart (eds). Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press. |Baker, Bruce. 2006. ‘Cape Verde: the most democratic nation in Africa?’in The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Dec., 2006), pp. 493-511. Cambridge University Press. |Diffey, Bailey W. and Winius, George D. 1977. Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415-1580. Ontario:University of Minnesota Press. |Halter, Marilyn. 2013. ‘Cape Verdeans and Cape Verdean Americans, 1870-1940’ in Immigrants in American History: Arrival, Adaptation, and Integration, Volume 1. Barkan, Elliott Robert (eds). 2013. Oxford: ABC-CLIO Publisher. |Lima, Antonio Pedro Monteiro. 2013. ‘Request for United Nations General Assembly: Change of Name Cape Verde’. United Nations inter-office memorandum to Mr. Tegegnework Gettu in the Department of General Assembly and Conference Management. 29 October 2013. |Loban, Richard and Mendy, Peter Karibe. 2013. Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. |Meyns, Peter. 2013. ‘Cape Verde: An African Exception’ in Journal of Democracy, Volume 13, Number 3, July 2002, pp. 153-165 (Article).|Rawley, James. A., with Behrendt, Stephen D. 2005. The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press.


E Associational and Organizational Rights

Freedom of assembly is legally guaranteed and observed in practice. Several demonstrations took place in 2019. On July 5, the day Cabo Verde celebrates its independence from Portugal, several thousand people called for greater autonomy in a rally on the island of São Vicente. In a mid-August rally, coffee growers called for the renegotiation of debts and adjustments to coffee prices.

Is there freedom for nongovernmental organizations, particularly those that are engaged in human rights– and governance-related work? 4.00 4 4.00 4

Numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate freely in the country, focusing on a variety of social, economic, environmental, and cultural issues. International human rights institutions, local organizations, and journalists are able to monitor prison conditions and other human rights indicators without government interference.

The constitution protects the right to unionize, and workers may form and join unions in practice. However, the government restricts the right to strike in broadly defined essential industries, and formal collective bargaining is reportedly uncommon in the private sector. Despite those restrictions, workers in the public and private sectors held strikes in 2019 staff at the National Institute of Meteorology and Geophysics (INMG) held an action in late February over the loss of a productivity bonus, while Praia firefighters held a two-day strike in early July over the lack of hazard pay.


Index

Geography

Cape Verde, only slightly larger than Rhode Island, is an archipelago in the Atlantic 385 mi (500 km) west of Senegal.

The islands are divided into two groups: Barlavento in the north, composed of Santo Anto (291 sq mi 754 sq km), Boa Vista (240 sq mi 622 sq km), So Nicolau (132 sq mi 342 sq km), So Vicente (88 sq mi 246 sq km), Sal (83 sq mi 298 sq km), and Santa Luzia (13 sq mi 34 sq km) and Sotavento in the south, consisting of So Tiago (383 sq mi 992 sq km), Fogo (184 sq mi 477 sq km), Maio (103 sq mi 267 sq km), and Brava (25 sq mi 65 sq km). The islands are mostly mountainous, with the land deeply scarred by erosion. There is an active volcano on Fogo.

Government
History

Uninhabited on their discovery in 1456, the Cape Verde islands became part of the Portuguese empire in 1495. A majority of today's inhabitants are of mixed Portuguese and African ancestry.

Positioned on the great trade routes between Africa, Europe, and the New World, the islands became a prosperous center for the slave trade but suffered economic decline after the slave trade was abolished in 1876. In the 20th century, Cape Verde served as a shipping port.

In 1951, Cape Verde's status changed from a Portuguese colony to an overseas province, and in 1961 the inhabitants became full Portuguese citizens. An independence movement led by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau (another former Portuguese colony) and Cape Verde (PAIGC) was founded in 1956. Following the 1974 coup in Portugal, after which Portugal began abandoning its colonial empire, the islands became independent (July 5, 1975).

On Jan. 13, 1991, the first multiparty elections since independence resulted in the ruling African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) losing its majority to the Movement for Democracy Party (MPD). The MPD candidate, Antonio Monteiro, won the subsequent presidential election, and was easily reelected in 1996. In 2001, Pedro Pires became president.

Efforts at Modernization

In an effort to take advantage of its proximity to cross-Atlantic sea and air lanes, the government has embarked on a major expansion of its port and airport capacities. It is also modernizing its fish processing industry. These projects are being partly paid for by the EU and the World Bank, making Cape Verde one of the largest per-capita aid recipients in the world. Disenchantment with the government's privatization program, continued high unemployment, and widespread poverty helped defeat the MPD in elections held in Jan. 2001. The PAICV swept back into power and Jos Maria Neves became prime minister. In 2006, incumbent Pedro Pires was reelected president.

Fonseca Elected President

In 2011, Jorge Carlos Fonseca was elected president. A member of the Movement for Democracy party, Fonseca won the election in the second round, defeating Manuel Sousa. Fonseca became the fourth president since Cape Verde's independence.


US Trying to Extradite Venezuelan Diplomat for the ‘Crime’ of Securing Food for the Hungry: The Case of Alex Saab v. The Empire

The case of Alex Saab raises dangerous precedents in terms of extraterritorial judicial abuse, violation of diplomatic status, and even the use of torture to extract false confessions. This is according to Montréal-based international human rights lawyer John Philpot. He spoke on May 19 at a webinar sponsored by the Alliance for Global Justice and other groups about this example of the long reach of the US empire enforcing its deadly sanctions on some one third of humanity.

US sanctions Venezuela for being sovereign

Stansfield Smith of Chicago ALBA Solidarity commented that the Saab case is part of a larger US effort to use “lawfare” to impose its illegal sanctions, which the United Nations condemns as “unilateral coercive measures.” The US employs sanctions to discipline countries that attempt to develop independent of its dominion.

The US is able to extend its imperial reach through its domination of the international financial system, which is US dollar denominated and meditated through the monetary exchange known as SWIFT. By controlling the international financial system, Smith explained, Washington can demand banks in foreign countries to accept US restrictions or face sanctions themselves.

Venezuela’s resistance to US interference, starting with Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution two decades ago, has been punished by the US with mounting sanctions so extreme that they now amount to an asphyxiating blockade, causing severe shortages of food and medicine. William Camacaro of the Alberto Lovera Bolivarian Circle attested to the impact on the people of Venezuela. This US effort to achieve regime change is, in effect, collective punishment to coerce the Venezuelans to reject their elected government.

Even a report from the US government readily admits that “sanctions, particularly on the state oil company in 2019, likely contributed to the steeper decline of the Venezuelan economy.” This crippling blow to its oil industry has impacted Venezuela’s capability to generate electricity, conduct agriculture, and generate income from oil sales to fund social programs and import vital necessities, all of which have negatively impacted the lives of ordinary Venezuelans.

Once a leading oil exporter, Venezuela’s ability to import equipment components for its oil refineries and light oil to mix with its heavy crude has been cut off by the US, devastating its productive capacity. The US has even blocked international oil-for-food swaps by Venezuela.

US targets humanitarian mission

Special envoy and ambassador to the African Union for Venezuela, Alex Saab, was on a humanitarian mission flying from Caracas to Iran to procure food and gasoline for the Venezuelan CLAP food assistance program. Saab was detained on a refueling stop in the African nation of Cabo Verde and has been held in custody ever since June 12, 2020.

Saab’s “crime,” according to the US government, which ordered the imprisonment, was money laundering. That is, Saab conducted perfectly legal international trade, but his circumventing the US sanctions – which are designed to prevent relief to the Venezuelans – is considered by Washington to be money laundering.

The Swiss government, after a two-year investigation into Saab’s transactions with Swiss banks, concluded on March 25 that there was no money laundering. The real reason Saab is being persecuted is because he is serving his country’s interest rather than that of the US. Saab was born in Colombia but now holds Venezuelan citizenship.

The US mandate for the arrest and extradition of Saab would be like Saudi Arabia demanding the arrest and extradition of a British citizen visiting Italy for wearing short-shorts. In essence, the US does not have legal jurisdiction over a Venezuelan in Cabo Verde on his way to Iran.

As Indhriana Parada wrote in the webinar chat: “Greetings from Venezuela. We support the release of Alex Saab. It is a totally political case, and we want him back. Alex Saab did not launder money. Alex Saab bought food and medicine for Venezuela.”

The legal fig leaf for what amounts to a kidnapping was an INTERPOL “red notice,” which was not issued until a day after Saab’s arrest and was subsequently dropped. Saab has specified, “they tortured me and pressured me to sign voluntary extradition declarations and bear false witness against my government.”

Saab’s distinguished African defense team

Saab’s attorney in Cabo Verde, Geraldo da Cruz Almeida, explained to the webinar the absurdity of the politically motivated legal case against his client. Alex Saab has violated neither Cabo Verdean nor Venezuelan law. Moreover, Saab’s diplomatic status should have given him immunity from arrest.

The US does not recognize Saab’s diplomatic status. But then again, Biden maintains the fiction that the self-appointed and Trump-anointed Juan Guaidó is president of Venezuela.

Femi Falana, former President of the West African Bar Association, spoke to the webinar from Nigeria. Attorney Falana represented Saab before the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court. On March 15, the court ordered Saab’s release and cancellation of the extradition.

Under US pressure, Cabo Verde continues to hold Saab. Attorney Falana has called on President Biden to respect the rule of law and human rights in Africa. Sara Flounders of the International Action Center pointed out that 15 of the 39 countries under the illegal US sanctions are African.

Ranking 175 th and 185 th among the countries of the world in terms of geographic area and economic size, respectively, resource poor, and dependent on tourism and remittances from abroad, the Republic of Cabo Verde is vulnerable to US strong-arm tactics. Shortly after Saab’s arrest, the US gifted $1.5 million to private sector entities in Cabo Verde on top of some $284 million total US aid in the last 20 years.

The US State Department describes Cabo Verde as “an important partner” where the “current administration has prioritized relations with the United States and Europe.” The US Bureau for International Narcotics Law Enforcementfunds and supports activities in Cabo Verde, while the Boston Police Department works with Cabo Verde police.

Cabo Verde, it should be noted, is important in the history of African liberation. Marxist Amílcar Cabral led the liberation movement of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde Islands and was assassinated in 1973, only months before independence was declared from Portugal.

Setting a precedent

Meng Wanzhou, a Chinese national doing business in Canada, is under arrest for “bank fraud” and is fighting extradition to the US. North Korean Mun Chol Myong has already been extradited to the US from Malaysia on similar charges to those used against Saab for doing business according to international law rather than abiding by the US’s illegal measures.

In short, Saab’s is not an isolated case of US misconduct around enforcing its illegal sanctions but an emerging pattern. Anyone of us working to get needed goods to a US-sanctioned country is at risk of the US pushing to get us arrested and jailed in some country we pass through, which is subservient to the US.

That the US can engineer the arrest of a diplomat – someone who has immunity by international law even in the time of war – is a dangerous precedent. That the arrest was extraterritorial is worse and especially so because Saab is an ambassador to the African Union. This harkens back to the flagrantly illegal and inhumane US practice of extraordinary rendition, which was used to populate the Guantánamo torture chambers.

The award-winning movie The Mauritanian is about the true story of crusading lawyer Nancy Hollander, who successfully freed a tortured innocent man from the made-in-the-USA hell of Guantánamo. The Hollander character, played in the movie by Jodie Foster, says: “I am not just defending him, I am defending the rule of law.”

The real-life Nancy Hollander attended the webinar and announced she will help defend Saab if he is extradited to the US. A lawyer’s delegation to Cabo Verde in solidarity with Saab is being planned and a petition campaign on his behalf is underway. These efforts recognize that the defense of Alex Saab is a defense of the rule of international law against illegal US sanctions (#FREEAlexSaab).

Roger Harrisis on the board of the Task Force on the Americas, a 32-year-old anti-imperialist human rights organization.


Government of Cabo Verde - History

The case of Alex Saab raises dangerous precedents in terms of extraterritorial judicial abuse, violation of diplomatic status, and even the use of torture to extract false confessions. This is according to Montréal-based international human rights lawyer John Philpot. He spoke on May 19 at a webinar sponsored by the Alliance for Global Justice and other groups about this example of the long reach of the US empire enforcing its deadly sanctions on some one third of humanity.

US sanctions Venezuela for being sovereign

Stansfield Smith of Chicago ALBA Solidarity commented that the Saab case is part of a larger US effort to use “lawfare” to impose its illegal sanctions, which the United Nations condemns as “unilateral coercive measures.” The US employs sanctions to discipline countries that attempt to develop independent of its dominion.

The US is able to extend its imperial reach through its domination of the international financial system, which is US dollar denominated and meditated through the monetary exchange known as SWIFT. By controlling the international financial system, Smith explained, Washington can demand banks in foreign countries to accept US restrictions or face sanctions themselves.

Venezuela’s resistance to US interference, starting with Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution two decades ago, has been punished by the US with mounting sanctions so extreme that they now amount to an asphyxiating blockade, causing severe shortages of food and medicine. William Camacaro of the Alberto Lovera Bolivarian Circle attested to the impact on the people of Venezuela. This US effort to achieve regime change is, in effect, collective punishment to coerce the Venezuelans to reject their elected government.

Even a report from the US government readily admits that “sanctions, particularly on the state oil company in 2019, likely contributed to the steeper decline of the Venezuelan economy.” This crippling blow to its oil industry has impacted Venezuela’s capability to generate electricity, conduct agriculture, and generate income from oil sales to fund social programs and import vital necessities, all of which have negatively impacted the lives of ordinary Venezuelans.

Once a leading oil exporter, Venezuela’s ability to import equipment components for its oil refineries and light oil to mix with its heavy crude has been cut off by the US, devastating its productive capacity. The US has even blocked international oil-for-food swaps by Venezuela.

US targets humanitarian mission

Special envoy and ambassador to the African Union for Venezuela, Alex Saab, was on a humanitarian mission flying from Caracas to Iran to procure food and gasoline for the Venezuelan CLAP food assistance program. Saab was detained on a refueling stop in the African nation of Cabo Verde and has been held in custody ever since June 12, 2020.

Saab’s “crime,” according to the US government, which ordered the imprisonment, was money laundering. That is, Saab conducted perfectly legal international trade, but his circumventing the US sanctions – which are designed to prevent relief to the Venezuelans – is considered by Washington to be money laundering.

The Swiss government, after a two-year investigation into Saab’s transactions with Swiss banks, concluded on March 25 that there was no money laundering. The real reason Saab is being persecuted is because he is serving his country’s interest rather than that of the US. Saab was born in Colombia but now holds Venezuelan citizenship.

The US mandate for the arrest and extradition of Saab would be like Saudi Arabia demanding the arrest and extradition of a British citizen visiting Italy for wearing short-shorts. In essence, the US does not have legal jurisdiction over a Venezuelan in Cabo Verde on his way to Iran.

As Indhriana Parada wrote in the webinar chat: “Greetings from Venezuela. We support the release of Alex Saab. It is a totally political case, and we want him back. Alex Saab did not launder money. Alex Saab bought food and medicine for Venezuela.”

The legal fig leaf for what amounts to a kidnapping was an INTERPOL “red notice,” which was not issued until a day after Saab’s arrest and was subsequently dropped. Saab has specified, “they tortured me and pressured me to sign voluntary extradition declarations and bear false witness against my government.”

Saab’s distinguished African defense team

Saab’s attorney in Cabo Verde, Geraldo da Cruz Almeida, explained to the webinar the absurdity of the politically motivated legal case against his client. Alex Saab has violated neither Cabo Verdean nor Venezuelan law. Moreover, Saab’s diplomatic status should have given him immunity from arrest.

The US does not recognize Saab’s diplomatic status. But then again, Biden maintains the fiction that the self-appointed and Trump-anointed Juan Guaidó is president of Venezuela.

Femi Falana, former President of the West African Bar Association, spoke to the webinar from Nigeria. Attorney Falana represented Saab before the regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court. On March 15, the court ordered Saab’s release and cancellation of the extradition.

Under US pressure, Cabo Verde continues to hold Saab. Attorney Falana has called on President Biden to respect the rule of law and human rights in Africa. Sara Flounders of the International Action Center pointed out that 15 of the 39 countries under the illegal US sanctions are African.

Ranking 175 th and 185 th among the countries of the world in terms of geographic area and economic size, respectively, resource poor, and dependent on tourism and remittances from abroad, the Republic of Cabo Verde is vulnerable to US strong-arm tactics. Shortly after Saab’s arrest, the US gifted $1.5 million to private sector entities in Cabo Verde on top of some $284 million total US aid in the last 20 years.

The US State Department describes Cabo Verde as “an important partner” where the “current administration has prioritized relations with the United States and Europe.” The US Bureau for International Narcotics Law Enforcement funds and supports activities in Cabo Verde, while the Boston Police Department works with Cabo Verde police.

Cabo Verde, it should be noted, is important in the history of African liberation. Marxist Amílcar Cabral led the liberation movement of Guinea-Bissau and Cabo Verde Islands and was assassinated in 1973, only months before independence was declared from Portugal.

Setting a precedent

Meng Wanzhou, a Chinese national doing business in Canada, is under arrest for “bank fraud” and is fighting extradition to the US. North Korean Mun Chol Myong has already been extradited to the US from Malaysia on similar charges to those used against Saab for doing business according to international law rather than abiding by the US’s illegal measures.

In short, Saab’s is not an isolated case of US misconduct around enforcing its illegal sanctions but an emerging pattern. Anyone of us working to get needed goods to a US-sanctioned country is at risk of the US pushing to get us arrested and jailed in some country we pass through, which is subservient to the US.

That the US can engineer the arrest of a diplomat – someone who has immunity by international law even in the time of war – is a dangerous precedent. That the arrest was extraterritorial is worse and especially so because Saab is an ambassador to the African Union. This harkens back to the flagrantly illegal and inhumane US practice of extraordinary rendition, which was used to populate the Guantánamo torture chambers.

The award-winning movie The Mauritanian is about the true story of crusading lawyer Nancy Hollander, who successfully freed a tortured innocent man from the made-in-the-USA hell of Guantánamo. The Hollander character, played in the movie by Jodie Foster, says: “I am not just defending him, I am defending the rule of law.”

The real-life Nancy Hollander attended the webinar and announced she will help defend Saab if he is extradited to the US. A lawyer’s delegation to Cabo Verde in solidarity with Saab is being planned and a petition campaign on his behalf is underway. These efforts recognize that the defense of Alex Saab is a defense of the rule of international law against illegal US sanctions (#FREEAlexSaab).


Setting a precedent

Meng Wanzhou, a Chinese national doing business in Canada, is under arrest for “bank fraud” and is fighting extradition to the US. North Korean Mun Chol Myong has already been extradited to the US from Malaysia on similar charges to those used against Saab for doing business according to international law rather than abiding by the US’s illegal measures.

In short, Saab’s is not an isolated case of US misconduct around enforcing its illegal sanctions but an emerging pattern. Anyone of us working to get needed goods to a US-sanctioned country is at risk of the US pushing to get us arrested and jailed in some country we pass through, which is subservient to the US.

That the US can engineer the arrest of a diplomat – someone who has immunity by international law even in the time of war – is a dangerous precedent. That the arrest was extraterritorial is worse. This harkens back to the flagrantly illegal and inhumane US practice of extraordinary rendition, which was used to populate the Guantánamo torture chambers.

The award-winning movie The Mauritanian is about the true story of crusading lawyer Nancy Hollander, who successfully freed a tortured innocent man from the made-in-the-USA hell of Guantánamo. The Hollander character, played in the movie by Jodie Foster, says: “I am not just defending him, I am defending the rule of law.”

The real-life Nancy Hollander attended the webinar. A lawyer’s delegation to Cabo Verde in solidarity with Saab is being planned and a petition campaign on his behalf is underway. These efforts recognize that the defense of Alex Saab is a defense of the rule of international law against illegal US sanctions.

Roger D. Harrisis with the human rights organization Task Force on the Americas.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.


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