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Russ SP-1151 - History

Russ SP-1151 - History


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Russ

(SP-1151: dp. 14.5; 1. 60'; b. 10'; dr. 3'; s. 30 k.; cpl. 8; a. 1 3
pdr., 1 mg.; ol. No. S11 (?) )

Russ, built in 1917 as the wooden vedette boat No. 278 for the Imperial Russian Navy by Greenpoint Basin & Construotion Co., was acquired 9 August 1917 for U.S. Navy service as a patrol boat and renamed Russ 28 November l917.

Although assigned to the 3d Naval District, Russ was never commissioned in the U.S. Navy. She was sold 29 March 1921 to John Emile of Jaoksonville, Fla., for servioe as a yacht. Russ subsequently burned and sank 27 March1924 off St. John's Bar, Fla., without lost of life.


USS Velocipede (SP-1258)

Patrol vessels USS Russ (SP-1151) (left) and USS Velocipede (SP-1258) at Miami, Florida, on 27 June 1918.

USS Velocipede (SP-1258) was a United States Navy patrol vessel in commission from 1917 to 1919.

Velocipede was built as a private motorboat of the same name in 1917 by the Charles L. Seabury Company at Morris Heights in the Bronx, New York, for K. C. Atwood, Jr., of New York City. Atwood had her built to a design that would make her useful as a naval patrol boat and planned to make her available to the U.S. Navy for use in the event of war. Accordingly, the U.S. Navy acquired her under a free lease from Atwood on 27 October 1917 for use as a section patrol boat during World War I. She was commissioned as USS Velocipede (SP-1258) on 14 November 1917.

Assigned to the 7th Naval District for use as a "aeronautical patrol boat," Ώ] Velocipede served on patrol duties at Naval Air Station Miami at Miami, Florida, until after the end of World War I.

The Navy returned Velocipede to Atwood on 6 February 1919.


A Curated Guide to the Modern Architecture of São Paulo

There are many ways to get to know a city. There are those who, when commenting on a particular city they have visited, remember the gastronomy and restaurants they frequented. Other travelers will remember the music and the parties others will remember specific markets or events. You, a keen ArchDaily reader, probably took careful note of the architecture above anything else.

Each of these means of knowing a city keeps specificities and riches, but none of them alone can recreate a faithful mental landscape of the real city. There is no problem in this, after all, the same city can be very different for two people who live in it or who are visiting it. Among these ways of getting to know a city, we focus on architecture, more specifically, the modern architecture of São Paulo, in an attempt to offer our readers a look at one of the largest city in South America from an architectural approach

We have selected some widely known works and others less cited, so that this guide of São Paulo's architecture is as interesting for those accustomed to the city as it is for those who pass through it sporadically or even those who have never visited it but are planning a trip.

Next, get to know São Paulo from some of the most important works of modern architecture in the city.

Modernist House on Santa Cruz Street

Architect: Gregori Warchavchik
Year: 1928
Address: Santa Cruz, 325 - Vila Mariana, São Paulo - SP

An Architects Second Residence

Architect: Vilanova Artigas
Year: 1949
Address: Barão de Jaceguaí, 1151 - Campo Belo, São Paulo-SP

Institute of Architects of Brazil - Department of São Paulo

Architects: Rino Levi, Roberto Cerqueira Cesar, Miguel Forte, Jacob Ruchti, Galiano Ciampaglia, Zenon Lotufo, Abelardo de Souza and Helio Duarte
Year: 1950
Address: Bento Freitas, 306 - Vila Buarque, São Paulo - SP

Glass House

Architect: Lina Bo Bardi
Year: 1951
Address: General Almério de Moura, 200 - Morumbi, São Paulo - SP

Oscar Americano's Residence

Architect: Oswaldo Bratke
Year: 1953
Address: Av. Morumbi, 4077 - Morumbi, São Paulo - SP

Conjunto Nacional

Architect: David Libeskind
Year: 1958
Address: Av. Paulista, 2073 - Consolação, São Paulo - SP

Castor Delgado Perez's Residence

Architect: Rino Levi
Year: 1959
Address: Av. Nove de Julho, 5170 - Jardim Europa, São Paulo - SP

Atlético Paulistano Club

Architects: Paulo Mendes da Rocha and João De Gennaro
Year: 1961
Address: Rua Honduras, 1400 - Jardim América, São Paulo - SP

Rock Gallery

Architect: Siffredi & Bardelli and Alfredo Mathias
Year: 1963
Address: Av. São João, 439 - República, São Paulo - SP

USP History and Geography Building

Architect: Eduardo Corona
Year: 1964
Address: Av. Prof. Lineu Prestes, 338 - Butantã, São Paulo - SP

Metrópole Gallery

Architects: Salvador Candia and Gian Carlo Gasperini
Year: 1964
Address: Av. São Luís, 187 - Centro, São Paulo - SP

São Bonifácio Church

Architect: Hans Broos
Year: 1965
Address: Humberto I - Vila Mariana, São Paulo - SP

CECAP Guarulhos

Architect: Vilanova Artigas
Year: 1968
Address: Cecap, Guarulhos - SP

Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, University of São Paulo (FAU-USP) / João Vilanova Artigas and Carlos Cascaldi

Architects: Vilanova Artigas and Carlos Cascaldi
Year: 1969
Address: Lago Street, 876 - Cidade Universitária, São Paulo - SP

Tomie Ohtake's Residence

Architect: Ruy Ohtake
Year: 1970
Address: Rua Antônio de Macedo Soares, 1800 - Campo Belo, São Paulo - SP

Alceu Amoroso Lima's Library

Architect: José Oswaldo Vilela
Year: 1979
Address: Rua Henrique Schaumann, 777 - Pinheiros, São Paulo - SP

Jabaquara Cultural Center

Architects: Shieh Shueh Yau and Gustavo Neves da Rocha Filho
Year: 1980
Address: R. Arsênio Tavolieri, 45 - Jabaquara, São Paulo - SP

Vale do Anhangabaú (requalification)

Architects: Jorge Wilheim, Rosa Kliass and Jamil Kfouri
Year: 1981
Address: Vale do Anhangabaú, Centro, São Paulo - SP

São Paulo Cultural Center

Architects: Eurico Prado Lopes and Luiz Telles
Year: 1982
Address: Vergueiro, 1000 - Paraíso, São Paulo - SP

Museu Brasileiro da Escultura (MuBE)

Architect: Paulo Mendes da Rocha
Year: 1995
Address: Av. Europa, 218 - Jardim Europa, São Paulo - SP


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Reentry Vehicles: Spheres vs. Blunt Bodies

The choice of reentry vehicle configuration reflected additional differences in approach. The central and most visible difference between the Vostok and Mercury spacecraft was their external configuration. Beneath the streamlined launch shroud, the orbital reentry portion of Vostok was spherical, while the basic shape of Mercury was a truncated cone. The spacecraft designers studied the alternative shapes for reentry vehicles and made their choices based upon standards established within their own programs.

The Soviets, under the leadership of Sergei Pavlovich Korolev, chief designer of spacecraft, reviewed the different possibilities and chose the sphere for their reentry configuration. According to Korolev, among non-lifting shapes the spherical reentry body alone possessed an inherent dynamic stability as it plunged back into the earth's atmosphere. He rejected the conical craft, because its tendency to pitch and yaw would have required an elaborate attitude control system, plus greater reliance upon man as pilot rather than man as passenger. *

[ 67 ] The orbital configuration of Vostok consisted of a spherical cabin with an attached equipment cluster. ** 13 Prior to descent, the spacecraft was oriented for reentry by means of a solar sensor located in the equipment compartment. This maneuver aimed the retrorockets so that they fired along the line of flight, slowing the craft as it entered its descent trajectory. Upon termination of retrofire, the cabin separated from the instrument section, which subsequently burned up as it entered the atmosphere. Vostok was then a simple sphere, descending along a ballistic trajectory, protected from the intense reentry temperatures by an ablative coating that shielded the entire craft. *** 14

Vostok reentered like a bullet, following the path dictated by the retrorocket impulse there was no attitude control. By placing the sphere's center of gravity behind and below the cosmonaut, the spacecraft designers assured Vostok pilots from Gagarin to Bykovsky and Tereshkova the proper orientation for ejection from the "lander" when it reached 7,000 meters. At that altitude, the bolts securing the pilot's hatch were severed explosively, and the hatch was blown away. Two seconds later the cosmonaut and his couch were ejected from the craft to begin a parachuted descent to 4,000 meters. **** At that height, the cosmonaut continued his return by means of his own parachute. Also at 4,000 meters, a parachute opened to slow the final descent of the spacecraft. 15

In their study of reentry, the Americans evolved their own theories regarding optimum spacecraft configuration. In June 1952, H. Julian Allen of the NACA Ames Aeronautical Laboratory addressed the problem of structural heating during atmospheric reentry. His research led to the formulation of the "blunt-body principle," a radical departure from the streamlined aircraft of the early fifties. Allen's work indicated that a blunt shape would be most suitable for a body reentering the earth's atmosphere, since 90 percent of the friction heat would be dissipated through the bow shock wave. Tests five years later, in 1957, with a scale model Jupiter-C nosecone demonstrated [ 68 ] that the remaining heat could be dissipated through use of an ablative coating on a heatshield. Although his studies were directed toward resolving the nosecone reentry problem of the ballistic missile, they were later applicable to the Mercury spacecraft. During the ensuing years, heat-resistant materials of the ablative and heat sink types were perfected by government and industry.

Beginning in 1954 and continuing through 1958, Allen and two associates, Alfred J. Eggers, Jr., and Stanford E. Neice, examined the relative merits of three types of hypersonic spacecraft - ballistic, skip, and glide. They prepared in early 1954 a theoretical discussion of the alternative configurations that could be used for manned spacecraft, "A Comparative Analysis of the Performance of Long-Range Hypervelocity Vehicles." For manned satellite missions, any of the three craft could be boosted to orbital velocity by a rocket and then be separated from the launch vehicle for either free flight or earth orbit. The skip vehicle, which would reenter the atmosphere by an intricate series of dips and skips, would require the greatest boost capacity, and would encounter excessive aerodynamic heating during reentry. The glider-type craft, although heavy, would require a smaller boost capacity and would have a greater degree of pilot control during the reentry phase of the mission the glider was a promising concept, but it would also be a long term project, since it would require extensive engineering and development. The third option was the ballistic shape, which was simply a blunt, non-lifting, high-drag projectile. Although without aerodynamic controls, its blunt configuration would provide superior thermal protection to the pilot, and its lighter weight would permit longer range missions. Moreover, the deceleration forces would be minimized if the vehicle reentered at the correct angle. The Ames researchers concluded that "the ballistic vehicle appears to be a practical man-carrying machine, provided extreme care is exercised in supporting the man during atmospheric entry." 16

A 1963 sketch illustrating a possible skip reentry trajectory of the Apollo spacecraft.

[ 69 ] As time passed, Eggers became convinced of the superiority of the manned satellite glider over the ballistic satellite, but he also knew that the rockets then on the American drawing boards could not put the glider into orbit. He had two concerns when he thought of using the ballistic vehicle - the deceleration loads and the absence of control once the craft entered the atmosphere. The latter problem dictated a large landing area, perhaps as much as several thousand square kilometers. By late 1957 Eggers was proposing a semi-ballistic vehicle in which the best elements of the glider and the ballistic shapes were combined. Further progress on manned spacecraft was influenced by the Air Force and by research in progress at the Langley Memorial Aeronautical Laboratory. 17

On 29-31 January 1958, the Air Research and Development Command held a closed conference at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, during which 11 aircraft and missile firms outlined for Air Force and NACA representatives their classified proposals for manned satellites. These variations on the three basic configurations discussed previously ranged in projected weight from 454 to 8,165 kilograms and involved mainly the use of multistage launch vehicles. Since there was such a difference in technology among the various proposals, the estimated development time ranged from one to five years. Looking back on this period, Robert R. Gilruth recalls: #

Because of its great simplicity, the non-lifting, ballistic-type of vehicle was the front runner of all proposed manned satellites, in my judgment. There were many variations of this and other concepts under study by both government and industry groups at that time. The choice involved considerations of weight, launch vehicle, reentry body design, and to be honest, gut feelings. Some people felt that man-in-space was only a stunt. The ballistic approach, in particular, was under fire since it was such a radical departure from the airplane. It was called by its opponents "the man in the can," and the pilot was termed only a "medical specimen." Others thought it was just too undignified a way to fly. 18

While subject to considerable criticism, the concept of a simple ballistic manned satellite gained important support from a group of NACA engineers who started work on just such a spacecraft, borrowing on the experience and technology available in recent research on nosecones for intercontinental ballistic missiles. Max Faget was one of the key members of the NACA group interested in this effort. In January 1958, he had identified himself as a supporter of the ballistic reentry vehicle when he proposed to NACA Headquarters that a non-lifting spherical capsule be considered for orbital flight. [ 70 ] NACA expressed little interest in the idea, but Faget continued his studies of ballistic vehicles and spoke out for adoption of this concept when occasions arose. Less than a week after an Air Force man-in-space conference in March 1958, ## Gilruth called Faget and a group of top Langley engineers together to discuss a NACA conference on high speed aerodynamics, scheduled to begin at the Ames laboratory on 18 March. The "Langley position" that emerged from the conference reflected the thinking of Faget and his colleagues on a ballistic spacecraft launched by a ballistic missile booster. 19

The Ames conference was the last in a series of formal symposia as such it attracted nearly 500 people from NACA, the military, and the aircraft and missile industry. The 46 papers presented during the three-day meeting summarized the most advanced aerodynamic thinking within the Advisory Committee's laboratories on hypersonic, orbital, and interplanetary flight. Faget presented the first paper, "Preliminary Studies of Manned Satellites - Wingless Configuration: Non-lifting," in which he and his co-authors pointed out the inherent advantages of the ballistic approach. First, ballistic missile research, development, and production experience was directly applicable to this type of spacecraft. Equally significant, the choice of a ballistic flight trajectory minimized the amount of automatic stabilization, guidance, and control equipment required on board the craft, thus saving critical weight and reducing the chance of equipment malfunction. Faget and his associates also demonstrated that their proposed craft could be returned from orbit by a modest-power retrorocket system. The Langley engineers went so far as to propose a specific ballistic configuration - a cone, 3.4 meters long and 2.1 meters in diameter, protected on the blunt end by a heatshield. He concluded that "as far as reentry and recovery is concerned, the state of the art is sufficiently advanced so that it is possible to proceed confidently with a manned satellite project based upon the ballistic reentry type of vehicle." 20

The Mercury spacecraft grew out of this 1958 conceptual study prepared at Langley. After an additional two months of design studies, preliminary specifications for a manned satellite were drafted during June by Langley personnel under the supervision of Faget and Charles W. Mathews. Following a number of revisions and additions, these specifications were used for the Project Mercury spacecraft contract with McDonnell Aircraft Corporation. [ 71 ] All this work occurred during the months in which the National Aeronautics and Space Act was being drafted and enacted by Congress. Gilruth remembered working out of the old NACA building in Washington during the summer of 1958 it had been hot, humid, and busy. 21

In designing the Mercury spacecraft, the key word was simplicity. The goal was a spacecraft that represented "the simplest and most reliable approach - one with a minimum of new developments and using a progressive buildup of tests." Employing these criteria, "It was implicit . . . that we use the drag-type reentry vehicle an existing ICBM booster a retrorocket to initiate descent from orbit a parachute system for final approach and landing and an escape system to permit the capsule to get away from a malfunctioning launch rocket." 22 Although Vostok and Mercury emerged from the design process with different external configurations, their designers had met the same problems and had made some remarkably similar decisions. Undoubtedly, the key decision was to keep the first step into space a simple one. While the Mercury space vehicle would become more complex and sophisticated.

Comparative cutaway views of Mercury and Vostok spacecraft drawn to the same scale. Note ejection seat in the Soviet craft.

Typical mission profile for orbital Mercury flights.

[ 73 ] . during the developmental process, the emphasis on reliability and relative simplicity remained.

* The role of man in space flight has been one of the basic and continuing philosophical differences between the Soviet and American space programs. Americans have sought to make the astronaut a central figure in the operation of the spacecraft, especially in his ability to veto automatic systems. The Soviets have preferred to rely upon automated systems on the ground and in the air, with the cosmonaut playing a secondary and more limited role.

** K. P. Feoktistov, who had prime responsibility for design details of Vostok, described the two sections as "a recoverable capsule (accommodating the spaceman and his life-support equipment, flight controls, communication, on-board systems controls and landing controls) and an instrument compartment (housing various instruments and units of spaceship systems controlling orbital flights, communications, telemetering measurements, orbit parameters, power supply, etc.) that is, all that contributed to orbital flight alone."

*** Hartley A. Soulé recalls that in American circles the spherical "shape was specifically criticized because the weight of the material to completely shield the surface from reentry heat would [have precluded] launching with programmed ICBM boosters." The Soviets had the launch vehicle capability that kept this extra weight from being such a serious concern. Some American designers favored the spherical shape to reduce the problems associated with attitude control, but others feared that "the lack of orientation might result in harm to the occupant during the deceleration period."

**** According to one source, this delay was incorporated after the loss of a pilot who was testing the ejection seat system during a drop test of the Vostok.

# Robert R. Gilruth had been Assistant Director of the Langley Aeronautical Laboratory since 1952 and was named Manager of the Space Task Group, which was assigned responsibility for Project Mercury on 5 Nov. 1958,

## The Air Force held a working conference on 10-12 Mar. at the Air Force Ballistic Missile Division, Los Angeles, in support of its program "Man in Space Soonest" (MISS). At that time, the Air Force concept consisted of three stages-a high-drag, no-lift, blunt-shaped spacecraft to get man in space soonest, with landing to be by parachute a more sophisticated approach by possibly employing a lifting vehicle or one with a modified drag and a long-range program that might end in a space station or a trip to the moon.

13 . P. T. Astashenkov, Akademik S. P. Korolev (Moscow, 1969) (available in translation as Academician S. P. Korolev, Biography, Foreign Technology Division edited translation HC-23-542-70, pp. 185-186) and Konstantin Petrovich Feoktistov, "Razvitie sovetskikh pilotruemuikh kosmicheskikh korablei," Aviatsiya i Kosmonavtika, no. 11 (1971): 36-37 (available in translation as "Development of Soviet Manned Spacecraft," National Lending Library for Science and Technology, Boston Spa, Yorkshire, England, and available from NASA as N73-15876). Feoktistov stated the following reasoning for adoption of the sphere: "The aerodynamic characteristics of the sphere, the drag coefficient and the position of the centre of masses were well known for the entire velocity range (from the first cosmic [i.e., orbital velocity] down to subcosmic velocity). In addition, the problem of maintaining stability of movement of a spherical vehicle in the atmosphere could be easily solved by just shifting the gravity centre of the vehicle off the centre of the sphere. This provides for the static stability and, as revealed by computations, for good dynamics of vehicle movements around the centre of masses even in the case of arbitrary orientation of the vehicle prior to re-entry and in descent when controls are no longer available."

14 . Astashenkov, Academician S. P. Korolev, Biography, pp. 185-186 Hartley A. Soulé to James M. Grimwood, 29 Aug. 1965 Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean , pp. 71-72 and Ames Aeronautical Laboratory, "Preliminary Investigation of a New Airplane for Exploring the Problems of Efficient Hypersonic Flight," 18 Jan. 1957. In appendix B of the Ames report, there is a description of a proposed 1.5-meter spherical ballistic spacecraft, pp. 30-31.

15 . U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences, comp., Kosmicheskiy korabl Vostok (Moscow, 1969) available in translation as The Spaceship "Vostok," Foreign Technology Division edited translation HT-23-705-70, pp. 5-6 and Leonid Vladimirov, The Russian Space Bluff, David Floyd, trans. (London, 1971), pp. 89-91. Vladimirov indicates that a Peter Dolgov was killed when his space suit was ripped during a test of the ejection system. "Korolyovs [Korolevs] reaction to Dolgov's death was to take a number of urgent and clever measures. First he had the exit hatch made larger. Secondly, he increased to two seconds the interval between shooting off the hatch and the operation of the ejector mechanism."

16 . H. Julian Allen, "Hypersonic Flight and the Reentry Problem," Journal of the Aeronautical Sciences 25 (Apr. 1958): 217-230 Alfred J. Eggers, Jr., "Performance of Long Range Hypervelocity Vehicles," Jet Propulsion 27 (Nov. 1957): 1147-1151 and Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean , pp. 55-82. The authors of This New Ocean describe the background of NACA and Air Force research into the problem of reentry vehicle design also see William M. Bland, Jr., "Project Mercury," in The History of Rocket Technology Essays on Research, Development, and Utility , Eugene M. Emme, ed. (Detroit, 1964), pp. 214-215.

17 . Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean , pp. 68-69.

18 . Robert R. Gilruth, "Memoir: From Wallops Island to Mercury 1945-1958," paper, Sixth International History of Astronautics Symposium, Vienna, Austria, 13 Oct. 1972, pp. 31-32.

19 . Swenson, Grimwood, and Alexander, This New Ocean , p. 86 Grimwood, Project Mercury: A Chronology, NASA SP-4001 (Washington, 1963), p. 17 "How Mercury Capsule Design Evolved," Aviation Week , 21 Sept. 1959, pp. 52-53, 55, and 57 and David A. Anderton, "How Mercury Capsule Design Evolved," Aviation Week , 22 May 1961, pp. 50-71 passim.

20 . Faget, Benjamin J. Garland, and James J. Buglia, "Preliminary Studies of Manned Satellites - Wingless Configuration: Nonlifting," in "NACA Conference on High-Speed Aerodynamics, Ames Aeronautical Laboratory, Moffett Field, Calif., Mar. 18, 19, and 20, 1958: A Compilation of Papers Presented," pp. 9-34, reissued as NASA Technical Note D-1254 (Langley, Va., 1962).

21 . Grimwood, Project Mercury: A Chronology, pp. 19-24 Gilruth, "Memoir: From Wallops Island to Mercury," pp. 34-37.


The great part of being a cybersecurity professional is that they put themselves into the minds of Hackers. That is how they fight crime and stay one step ahead. In essence, they are thinking like a criminal.

Penetration Testers use the same tools and resources to identify weak spots and backdoors in any given software because they are following the potential virtual footprints of a malicious hacker.

Now, obviously, if a cybercriminal is looking for ways to access and steal private credit card details from millions of people, they are not going to “Google” it. There is an element of danger here and they know if they get caught, they’ll face imprisonment therefore, they have to be really careful. With the Dark Web, Tor, and .onion sites they will be able to access huge amounts of data, all the while hiding their identities, locations, and IP addresses.

Many banks, small businesses, and hospitals still use older operating systems like Windows 95 and XP. Hackers know this, and the trouble lies with the fact that many technology companies often stop supporting older software. These businesses, hospitals, and banks become very vulnerable to cyberattacks as newer versions are launched. Think about this: if a bank’s ATM system is still running on Windows 95, a hacker can access thousands of bank records just by finding a weak entry point. Account names and numbers, pin codes, balances, credit card details, and more, are now at the mercy of a malicious entity.

To analyze a bank’s ATM system running on legacy software, an Ethical Hacker can create a plan to find a weak spot. These professionals will often chat with other hackers on the Dark Web, and by doing this, they learn from their past activities. The great thing here is that Tor software and .onion sites make sure that these conversations are untraceable.

Officers who specialize in Narcotics use the Dark Web to pinpoint how and where drug trafficking activities occur. Now they are the ones in disguise and may pose as smugglers looking to sell a new high-end drug or launder money through international banks. By using Tor, the police task force has greater tools for investigations due to its untraceable nature.

Are you read to become a cybersecurity professional yourself? Let our University of Miami Advisors tell you more about our Cybersecurity Bootcamp. Schedule a free consultation today!


Judge tosses rape accuser's suit against Russell Simmons

The hip-hop mogul has been laying low in Bali since he was accused of rape and sexual misconduct in 2017 (which he denies) — but he has finally reared his head in the Hamptons.

Simmons was spotted having a vegan meal Sunday with friends at Brooklyn Chop House at the Capri Hotel in Southampton, we’re told. He also posted on Instagram, saying he’d just attended a party at former Def Jam partner Lyor Cohen‘s last week where, he said, “I saw so many people who I played a small role in empowering.” (Apparently Simmons’ fall from grace hasn’t done any harm to his ego.)

He’s been spending time on the Indonesian isle since February 2018. He’s been accused of misconduct — including rape — by more than 10 women. In April, the Blast obtained documents from a Jane Doe rape accuser who claimed, he’d “fled to Indonesia which has no extradition treaty … in an apparent attempt to protect himself.” His rep told the site, “Mr. Simmons has been in and out of the United States six times in the last year and will be back for his child’s graduation.”

Cohen has said of his former roommate, “I never saw him aggressive or violent with any women.”


Russell Westbrook and The History Channel to Air ‘Tulsa Burning: The 1921 Race Massacre’ Documentary

Washington Wizards basketball player Russell Westbrook is keeping busy when he’s not on the basketball court. After announcing last week that he joined Varo Bank’s team as an investor and advisor, Westbrook has other news to share.

According to Deadline, The History Channel has announced that it has picked up Tulsa Burning: The 1921 Race Massacre, a documentary that was put together by Westbrook, Donnell Beverly (President of Russell Westbrook Enterprises), Blackfin (an eOne company), Firelight Films, Stanley Nelson, and Marco Williams.

Excited to bring this project to life about such a significant event in American history. Coming this spring to @HISTORY pic.twitter.com/peQQSsjmq8

— Russell Westbrook (@russwest44) February 18, 2021


“The Tulsa Race Massacre was not something I was taught about in school or in any of my history books,” said Westbrook. “It was only after spending 11 years in Oklahoma that I learned of this deeply troubling and heartbreaking event. This is one of many overlooked stories of African Americans in this country that deserves to be told. These are the stories we must honor and amplify so we can learn from the past and create a better future.”

The documentary is scheduled to debut in the spring to coincide with the 100th anniversary of the massacre in Tulsa.

Tulsa Burning: The 1921 Race Massacre is directed by Nelson (Freedom Riders) and Williams (Two Towns of Jasper) and executive produced by Westbrook. It details one of the worst acts of racial violence in American history. Mobs of white Oklahoma residents attacked and destroyed the Greenwood District in Tulsa, Oklahoma, which, at that time, was the wealthiest Black community in the country and was known as “Black Wall Street.”

Nelson tells Tulsa World, “The horrific story of the burning of Black Wall Street has long haunted me. While I was able to touch on the Tulsa Race Massacre in a short segment in an earlier film, I knew this story needed a much deeper treatment. I’m grateful to be working on this film with such wonderful partners – Marco Williams with whom I have collaborated with on Tell Them We Are Rising, Russell Westbrook, Blackfin and the History Channel. Together we are aiming to restore Tulsa, Oklahoma, and the fateful events surrounding the 1921 massacre of its Black residents to their rightful place in American history.”


A. Ntl. Texte und ihre Bearbeitungen

1. Bibeln und Bibelparaphrasen

Hss. mit dem vollständigen Bibeltext enthalten oft Wiedergaben der F., die entweder Teil von Bild- oder Initialseiten am Beginn der ganzen Bibel bzw. des NT sind oder nahe bei einem der ntl. Ostertexte plaziert wurden.

Frühes Beisp. ist die Wiedergabe auf einer der dem NT vorangestellten Bildseiten in der Bibel aus S. Maria de Ripoll, Katalanien, 1. H. 11. Jh. (BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5729, fol. 370r: Neuß, Bibelill., S. 125f., Taf. 51, Abb. 147). Eine Hs. mit dem Text des nT, Bury-St-Edmunds, frühes 12. Jh., bietet auf einer der dem Text vorangestellten Bildseiten Kreuzabnahme, Grablegung, die Bitte der Juden um eine Grabwache und die F. (Cambridge, Pembroke Coll., ms. 120, fol. 4r: Carl M. Kauffmann, Roman. Mss. 1066–1190, Ld. 1975 [A Survey of mss. illuminated in the Brit. Isles, 3], S. 73 [Nr. 35]). In der sog. Avila-Bibel, Italien (Rom?), um 1150–1160, sind dem Text des NT mehrere Blätter mit Szenen zum Leben Jesu inseriert, die den Besuch der F., die *Höllenfahrt Jesu sowie einige der *Erscheinungen zeigen (Madrid, BN, ms. Vitr. 15-1, fol. 530v: Walter Cahn, Roman. Bible Illum., Ithaca, N.Y. 1982, S. 208, Abb. 196). – Auf der Anfangsseite des Mc-Evangeliums in der sog. Bibel von Floreffe (Abb. 11) ist der Besuch der F. wiedergegeben, ferner die Erscheinung Christi vor den drei Marien sowie zwei Propheten mit Wortprophetien und der Löwe mit seinen Jungen als Typus aus der Naturkunde für die Auferstehung (Herbert Köllner, Zur Dat.: [13] Bd. 2, S. 361–376).

In einer Hs., 1332, mit dem Text der niederl. Reimbibel des Jakob van Maerlant ist das Bild der F. in die Textkolumne eingefügt (Rudolf E. O. Ekkart, De Rijm-bibel van Jacob van Maerlant, Den Haag 1985, S. 68, Abb. 104), in einer tschech.-lat. Bibelparaphrase, Prag, um 1440, füllt es drei Viertel der Seite, während der zweisprachige Text unterhalb des Bilds eingetragen ist (Wien, Österr. Nat.bibl., cod. 485, fol. 70r: [49]). – Auf der Bildseite vor dem Io-Evangelium zeigt eine im Auftrag von Kgn. Johanna I. von Neapel 1342–1345 ausgeführte Bibel F. und Auferstehung innerhalb von Szenen der Passionsgeschichte, Osterereignissen, Himmelfahrt und Weltgericht (Berlin, StMPK, Kk., Hs. 78 E 3, fol. 400v: Andreas Bräm, Neapolitanische Bilderbibeln des Trecento, Wiesb. 2007, Bd. I, S. 14, 310 und Abb. 454).

Der Ablauf der Heilsgeschichte ist auf der Eröffnungsseite zum Buch Genesis in einer wohl in Bologna vor 1262 entstandenen Bibel zusammengefaßt: Am unteren Ende der Initiale „I(n)“ sieht man die Verkündigung an Maria, daneben im Bas-de-page zwei Medaillons mit Kreuzigung und F. (Jonathan J. G. Alexander und Albinia de la Mare, The Ital. Mss. in the Libr. of Major J. R. Abbey, Ld. 1969, S. 12–19, Nr. 4, Taf. A).

In Bilderbibeln illustrierte man das Ostergeschehen durch ein Bild der F., seit dem späteren MA häufig zusätzlich zur Darstellung der Auferstehung.

In der im Auftrag von Kg. Sancho el Fuerte von Navarra 1197 in Pamplona ausgeführten Bilderbibel sind in den zwei Registern einer Bildseite zu Mc 16,1–6 der Engel vor dem leeren Grab sowie die drei Frauen zu sehen (Amiens, Bibl. Mun., ms. 108, fol. 194r: François Bucher, The Pamplona Bibles. New Haven-Ld. 1970, Bd. 2, Taf. 437). Die sog. Velislav-Bibel zeigt in einem Anhang Szenen aus Evangelien und Apostelgesch., darunter auf fol. 147r Grablegung Christi und F. (Prag, Univ.bibl., cod. XXIII C 124, Böhmen, M. 14. Jh.: [87]).

Gleiches gilt für Bibelharmonien, Harmonisierungen der Evangelien und illustrierte apokryphe Texte.

In der Petrus Comestor (s. Sp. 562f.) folgenden sog. Holkham-Bibel, England, 3. Jz. 14. Jh., sind die drei F. zweimal wiedergegeben, einmal zum Bericht des Mc mit dem einen Engel am leeren Grab (s. Sp. 558), das zweite Mal nach Lc (s. Sp. 622) im Gespräch mit zwei Engeln, (London, BL, Add. Ms. 47 682, fol. 34v und 35r: [23] zur Hs.: [84] Bd. 2, S. 105–107 Nr. 97). Eine ital. Hs. zeigt die F. zum Text des Mt-Evangeliums (Mailand, Bibl. Ambr., Cod. L. 58 sup., fol. 59v, Lombardei, E. 14. Jh.: [31]. In einem 1399 von Rüdiger Schopf geschriebenen Beisp. ist dagegen gemäß Lc 24,1–8 nur eine der F. wiedergegeben (Karlsruhe, L.bibl., cod. Tennenbach 8, fol. 98v: Lieselotte Esther Stamm, Die Rüdiger-Schopf-Hss., Aarau usw. 1981, S. 351).

In einer nur mit wenigen dt. Beischriften versehenen Bilderfolge zu einer dt. Evangelienharmonie, Straßburg (?), um 1410–1420, ist „der Ostertag“ durch zwei Bilder veranschaulicht: durch Auferstehung und F. (Freiburg i.Br., Univ.bibl., Hs. 334, fol. 40r: Abb. 25 [15] S. 1–3). – Einer Hs. mit dem Text des sog. Klosterneuburger Evangelienwerks, einer dt. Bibelübers., um 1385, fügte Heinrich Aurhaym 1410 eine Darst. der F. hinzu: Floridus Röhrig, Min. zum Evangelium von Heinrich Aurhaym. Hs. 4 der Klosterneuburger Stiftsbibl., K. 1961 (Klosterneuburger Stiftsschätze, 1), Taf. 19 zum Text K. Gärtner, Art. „Klosterneuburger Evangelienwerk“, in: [93] Bd. 4, Sp. 1248–1258 Nachtrags- und Korrekturnotiz in: ebd., Bd. 11, Sp. 855.

Eine ill. ital. Übers. des „Evangelium Nicodemi“ (s. Sp. 560), 13. Jh., zeigt die F. mit dem auf das Grab weisenden Engel (Madrid, BN, cod. 34–42: Adalbert von Erbach-Fürstenau, L’evangelo di Nicodemo, Arch. stor. dell’arte 2. ser. 2, 1896, S. 232f., mit Abb. 14).

In nachma. Bibeldrucken plazierte man Darstellungen der F. in der Regel zum entsprechenden Text nach Mt oder Mc.

So zeigen niederl. Bibelausgaben des 16. Jh. seit den zwanziger Jahren häufig ein Bild der F. zu einem der synoptischen Osterberichte (Bart A. Rosier, The Bible in print. Leiden 1997, Bd. 2, S. 94, 100 und 110). In verschiedenen ill. Ausgaben der dt. Bibelübersetzung Martin Luthers gibt es zum Text des Mt oder Mc, selten zu beiden, eine Darst. der F. (so in den beiden Ausg. der von Christoph Murer ill. Bibel, Tüb. 1591, ebenso in der von Balthasar Christoph Wust verlegten Bibel, FfM. 1671, der dafür einen Holzschnitt aus M. Luthers Hauspostille, Witt. 1563, verwendet hatte, sowie in den Baseler Bibeln des Verlags Brandmüller seit 1699, mit Holzschnitten Heinrich Holzmüllers: [86] S. 331f., 360 und 493f.).

Man bebilderte das Geschehen am Ostermorgen auch in kommentierten Bibelparaphrasen.

Vgl. das mit Kupferstichen von Romeyn de Hooghe illustrierte und von Henricus Vos mit Texten versehene Werk: Alle de Voornamste Historien Des Oudes en Nieuwen Testaments, Amst. 1703 (mit zahlreichen späteren franz. Ausg. vgl. Sp. 581).

Häufig gehört die F. zu den ntl. Szenen in den oft nur mit wenig Text versehenen Bilderbibeln und Bilderserien zur biblischen Geschichte, die seit dem 17. Jh. verbreitet waren und häufig und in vielfältiger Weise als Vorlage genutzt wurden.

Beisp.: Kupferstich von Hans von Aachen nach Georg Hoefnagel in: Salus generis humani, 1591 (Ausst.kat. „Prag um 1600“, Essen 1988, Bd. 3, S. 184, Abb. 3) Holzschnitte von Christoph Murer (gest. 1614), verwendet für: Novae Sacrorum Bibliorum figurae verbis Latinis et Germanicis expositae, Strbg. 1625 ([86] S. 360) Toneel ofte Vertooch der Bybelsche Historien. Amst. 1659, Nr. 106 (Ndr. hg. von Victorine Bakker- Hefting, Utrecht 1963 [Zwarte beertjes, 720] zu dessen Verwendung als Vorlage vgl. Jan Pluis, Bibelfliesen. Bijbelse voorstelingen op Nederlandse wandtegels van de 17e tot de 20e eeuw. Münster 1994, S. 533, Nr. 1733f., und S. 876) zum Lc-Evangelium: Melchior Küsell nach Peter Paul Rubens (vgl. Abb. 32), in: [66] T. 2, Taf. 14 Abb. 36 als Beisp. für solchen Vorlagengebrauch: Abb. 38.

Die umfangreichen Bilderfolgen zur Bibel und ill. Bibelausgaben aus dem 19. Jh. enthalten häufig Bilder der F.

Beisp.: Allg. Bilder-Bibel für Katholiken oder die hl. Schrift des alten und neuen Bundes, hg. von Heinrich Joachim Jaeck Lpz. 3 1844, Bd. 2, S. 114 Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, Die Bibel in Bildern, Lpz. 1860, Taf. 219 Holzstich von Héliodore Pisan nach Entw. von Gustave Doré, erstmals in: La Sainte Bible selon la Vulgate, Paris 1866, Bd. 2 (Henri Leblanc, Cat. de l’œuvre complèt de G. D., Paris 1931, S. 55) Abb. 42.

2. Bücher für Messe und Stundengebet

Bilder der F. können allen Texten zugeordnet sein, die in irgendeiner Form auf das Osterfest Bezug nehmen. Wiedergaben dieses Ereignisses kommen dort vor, wo jene liturgischen Texte bebildert wurden, die am Osterfest gelesen und gesungen wurden (z. B. in Codices, die für die Messe oder den gemeinschaftlichen oder privaten Vollzug des Stundengebets bestimmt waren, sowie in Gebetbüchern).

A. Ntl. Lesungen

Da die Texte über den Besuch der F. nach Matthäus und Markus zu den Lesungen der Gottesdienste des Osterfestes (und dessen Oktav) gehören, illustrierte man sie regelmäßig in liturgischen Handschriften und Drucken sowie in Büchern, deren Aufbau der durch die Liturgie des Kirchenjahrs vorgegebenen Leseordnung folgt.

Im lat. Westen war die Mt-Perikope (Mt 28,1–7) schon in den ältesten Lektionaren für die Vigilmesse in der Osternacht vorgesehen ([40] Sp. 859f. Theodor Klauser, Das röm. Capitulare Evangeliorum, Münster 2 1972 [Liturgiewiss. Quellen und Forschgn., 28], S. 24 [Nr. 92], 70 [Nr. 106], 111 [Nr. 102], 150 [Nr. 115] und 176 [Nr. 108] Joseph Pascher, Das liturgische Jahr, Mchn. 1963, S. 174).

Der Text Mc 16,1–7 war seit dem 9. Jh. regelmäßig Evangelium der Messe am Ostersonntag (ebd., S. 189 so auch gemäß dem „Missale Romanum“ von 1570 und den berichtigten Versionen von 1604, 1634, 1884 und 1920). Die Verse Mt 28, 2.5–6 waren Offertorium in der Messe des Ostermontags und des ersten Sonntags nach Ostern (Weißer Sonntag ebd., S. 190 und 204).

Der Text des Johannes (Io 20,1–9) war Evangelium der Messe am Samstag der Osteroktav (ebd., S. 197). Der Text des Lc-Evangeliums wurde dagegen nur selten liturgisch verwendet (z.B. vor dem 8. Jh. in der altgallischen Liturgie gemäß dem Lektionar von Luxeuil am Ostertag: [40] Sp. 864).

In den byz. Riten ist die Mt-Perikope Evangelium am Ostersonntag, die des Io-Evangeliums am dritten Sonntag nach Ostern, an dem ein eigenes Fest der „salbentragenden Frauen“ (Myrophoren) gefeiert wird (vgl. Neophytos Edelby, Liturgikon . Recklinghausen 1967, S. 174–180).

Bilder der F. gibt es in zahlreichen *Evangeliaren nachweislich seit dem 6. Jh.

Zu den frühesten bekannten Beispielen zählt das syr. Evangeliar des Rabbula, dat. 586, dessen Bebilderung auf einen griechischen Zyklus zurückgeht (Florenz, BML, cod. Plut. I.56, fol. 13v: Abb. 2). In späteren griech. Tetraevangeliaren gibt es Wiedergaben der F. nach Mc (Florenz, BML, cod. Plut. VI. 23, fol. 59v, Konstantinopel, spätes 11. Jh.: [92] Taf. 30, Abb. 123 vgl. zu byz. und syr. Tetraevangeliaren des 11. und 12. Jh. ferner [70] S. 518) als Beispiel eines Evangeliars aus Byzanz, 13. Jh., vgl. Los Angeles, The John Paul Getty Mus., Ms. Ludwig II 5, fol. 74v: [35] Abb. 72).

Die meisten lat. Evangeliare aus der Zeit zw. 10. und 13. Jh. bieten die F. als Bild zum Text der Vigil- oder der Tagesmesse.

Das Ostergeschehen ist dabei meistens als halb- oder ganzseitige Darstellung inseriert (so im oberen Register einer Bildseite vor dem Mc-Evangelium z. B. im Evangeliar Heinrichs des Löwen, Wolfenbüttel, Hzg. August Bibl., cod. Guelf. 105 Noviss. 2°, fol. 74v, Helmarshausen, um 1180: [62] als ganzseitiges Bild zum Mt-Evangelium: New York, PML, M. 781, fol. 87r, Salzburg, um 1020: Georg Swarzenski, Die Salzburger Mal. …, Lpz. 1913, S. 34 Taf.bd., Taf. 18, Abb. 58 vor dem Lc-Evangelium: Aschaffenburg, Hofbibl., ms. 21, fol. 60r, Bistum Paderborn, 2. H. 12. Jh.: [46] S. 63, Abb. 30). Der Besuch der F. konnte zusammen mit anderen Ereignissen in einer Bildseite mit mehreren Registern wiedergegeben sein (z.B. im sog. Codex Aureus in Nürnberg, Germ. Nat.mus., Hs. 156 142, fol. 111v, Echternach, um 1020–1030: Das Goldene Evangelienbuch von E. . FfM. und Stg. 1982).

In weniger aufwendig ausgestatteten Hss. nimmt das Bild der F. nur einen Teil des Schriftspiegels ein (zum Mc-Text: El Escorial, Real Bibl., cod. Vitr. 17, Evangeliar Heinrichs III., fol. 84r, Echternach, zw. 1043 und 1046: Albert Boeckler, Das goldene Evangelienbuch Heinrichs III., Bln. 1933, Taf. III Benedetto Bordon, Min. in: Dublin, Chester Beatty Libr., Ms. 107, fol. 13v, aus Padua, S. Giustina, 1523–1525: [24] Taf. 114).

Häufig ist die Darst. der F. Schmuck einer historisierten Initiale, z. B. in einem lothringischen Festtagsevangeliar, um 1200 (Remiremont, Mus. Charles Friry, Hs. ohne Signatur, fol. 16v: Initiale „V[espere]“ zu Mt 28,1: Yolanta Załuska, L’Evangeliaire de R. . Turnhout 1996, S. 84f. mit Abb.).

Am häufigsten sind Darstellungen in Evangelistaren und Lektionaren.

Sie illustrieren einen der beiden Osterberichte, entweder den im Mt-Evangelium (im MA in der Vigilmesse des Ostersonntags gelesen – s. Sp. 576 –, die im Spät-MA am Nachmittag, vom späteren 14. Jh. bis 1951 bzw. 1956 am Vormittag des Karsamstags gefeiert wurde vgl. Heidi-Maria Stowasser, Die Erneuerung der Vigilia Paschalis. Diss. theol. Kath. Univ. Eichstätt 1987) oder die Perikope des Mc-Evangeliums in der Messe am Morgen des Ostersonntags.

Vgl. als Beisp. für Darst. zur Mc-Perikope der Messe am Ostersonntag: Abb. 8 Evangelistar aus der Abtei Poussay, Dep. Vosges, Reichenau, um 980 (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 10 1514, fol. 50v: [67] Abb. 34) sog. Perikopenbuch Kaiser Heinrichs II., Reichenau, um 1012 (München, Bayer. Staatsbibl., cod. lat. mon. 4452, fol. 116v–117r [75]) sog. Cod. Vysehrad (Krönungsevangelistar): Prag, Nat.bibl., cod. XIV A 13, fol. 43v, Regensburg, 2. V. 11. Jh. (Anežka Merhautová und Pavel Spunar, Kodex vysehradsky . Prag 2006) Brüssel, BR, ms. 9428, fol. 92v, Echternach, um 1030–1031 (Faks.: Das Echternacher Evangelistar, hg. von Anton von Euw, Luzern 2007) München, Bayer. Staatsbibl., cod. lat. mon. 16 002, fol. 20v, Passau, um 1170–1180 ([57] Textbd. 1, S. 129–131, Nr. 206 Taf.bd., Abb. 475).

Die auf ntl. Texte bezogenen Bildmotive stimmen im einzelnen, was z.B. die Zahl der F. oder der Engel (s. Sp. 616–618 und 623) betrifft, oft nicht mit dem Text überein, dem sie zugeordnet sind, sondern sind häufig aus den jeweiligen Vorlagen und den diesen zugrundeliegenden Bildüberlieferungen übernommen (s. Sp. 607 und 612).

Vgl. das Osterbild in einem Perikopenbuch, Reichenau, um 1000, dessen Details zwar dem Bericht des Mt entsprechen, das aber beim Text des Mc-Evangeliums steht: Wolfenbüttel, Hzg. August Bibl., cod. Guelf. 84.5 Aug. 2°, fol. 42v: Otto Lerche, Das Reichenauer Lektionar ., Lpz. 1928, Taf. 10).

Auch in den seit 3. V. 15. Jh. verbreiteten volkssprachlichen Plenaren gibt es nach dem Vorbild liturgischer Hss. Darstellungen der F.

Zu Ausg. vgl. Paul Pietsch, Ewangely und Epistel Teutsch. Die gedruckten hochdt. Perikopenbücher [Plenarien] 1473–1523, Gött. 1927, S. 244–258 [83] S. 356–359, 402–408) Holzschnitte mit der Darst. der F. z. B. in den Ausgaben Augsb. (Günther Zainer) 1473: [85] Bd. 2, Taf. 40, Abb. 319 Augsb. (Anton Sorg) 1478: ebd., Bd. 4, Taf. 45, Abb. 348 Urach (Conrad Fyner) 1481: ebd., Bd. 9, Taf. 5, Abb. 34 (s. Sp. 600) Ulm (Conrad Dinckmut) 1483: ebd., Bd. 6, Taf. 8, Abb. 48 Strbg. (Martin Schott): ebd., Bd. 19, Taf. 115, Abb. 739.

Auch die nach dem Vorbild der Plenare angelegten Postillen, Hss. und Drucke, mit Auslegungen zu Evangelien und Episteln des Kirchenjahrs gehören häufig Darstellungen der F.

Vgl. die in lat. und ital. Ausg. der „Postilla“ des Wilhelm von Paris ([83] S. 408–411). Seit der Ausg. Basel (Michael Furter) 1491 gab es Drucke mit zahlreichen Ill., die auch für ähnliche Werke verwendet wurden ([85] Bd. 22, S. 9f., Taf. 59, Abb. 355) vgl. Ausg. Basel (Nikolaus Kessler) 1492 oder Reutlingen (Michael Greyff) 1494: ebd., Bd. 9, Taf. 62, Abb. 464 und Bd. 21, Taf. 31, Abb. 744.

Die in nachma. Zeit veröffentlichten Postillen, in denen nicht selten die konfessionell unterschiedlichen Leseordnungen bei der Anordnung der Bebilderung berücksichtigt wurden, enthalten ebenfalls häufig Darstellungen der F.

Den Evangelien des Kirchenjahrs folgen die „Evangelicae Historiae Imagines“ des Jeronimo Nadal SJ, Antw. 1593, eine Folge kommentierter Bilder, darunter Nr. 136f. zum Osterfest mit den F. (Antonius II Wierix nach Entw. von Bernardo Passaro: Abb. 29 [73] S. 58f., Nr. 325f.). Johann Ulrich Kraus zeigt in seinem sowohl für den Gebrauch von Katholiken wie Lutheranern konzipierten Werk ein Bild zum Ostersonntag mit der Auferstehung und den F. (nach Mc) sowie eines zur Lesung (I Cor V,7): Hl. Augen= und Gemüths=Lust. Augsb. 1706, Bl. 30. – Für die Bebilderung der von Jacobus Lindenberg verlegten Postille von Jakobus Basnage (’T Groot Waerelds Taferel. Amst. 1707, T. 2, Bl. 42r Amst. 2 1714, mit frz. Text) verwendete man die Kupferstiche einer holl. Bilderbibel von 1703 desselben Verlags mit Ill., entw. und ausgef. von Romeyn de Hooghe (s. Sp. 575). – Paul Vermehren stellte 1713 in seiner Postille zum Mc-Text für den Ostersonntag das Bild der F. für die Auferstehung als atl. Präfiguration dem Bild Simsons mit den Türen von Gaza (Judic 16) gegenüber („der Weiber Salbung koemt zu spaete in der Frueh . “), als Präfiguration aus der Natur ordnete er einen sich entpuppenden Schmetterling zu: Abb. 34 [94] Bl. H 3).

B. Meßliturgie

In Sakramentar und Missale (Abb. 9 und Abb. 14) zeichnete man seit dem Früh-MA das Osterfest regelmäßig durch eine entsprechende Darstellung entweder zur Vigilmesse oder zur Messe am Ostersonntag (s. Sp. 576f.) aus. Wenn es sich dabei nicht um ein ganzseitiges Bild handelte wie etwa im Sakramentar aus St. Gereon in Köln, Köln, um 1000 (BNF, ms. lat. 817, fol. 60r: [19] Bd. 2, S. 42, Taf. 10), war die Darstellung gewöhnlich einer Initiale zugeordnet.

In den Sakramentaren sind solche Darst. meistens der Initiale der Oration der Messe am Ostersonntag zugeordnet („Deus qui hodierna die . “: Jean Deshusses, Le sacramentaire grégorien, Frbg. [Schw.] 3 1992 [Spicilegium Friburgense, 16] S. 191, Nr. 383), so im sog. Drogo-Sakramentar, Metz, zw. 850 und 855 (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 9428, fol. 58r: [61] Bd. 3,1,2, S. 152, Taf. 85a s. auch Sp. 623) Sakramentar in Udine, Archivio capitolare, cod. 1, fol. 31r, Fulda, um 975 (Achille Comoretto, Le min. del Sacramentario fuldense di Udine, Udine 1988, S. 63, Abb. 27) sog. Bertold-Sakramentar (New York, PML, M. 710, Weingarten, zw. 1208 und 1215, fol. 56r: [17]).

In Missalien begegnen Wiedergaben der F. regelmäßig in oder bei der Initiale „R(esurrexi)“ des Introitus der Messe vom Ostersonntag, häufig kombiniert mit Darst. des Auferstandenen oder einer der Erscheinungen Christi (vgl. als beliebige Beisp. Hss. des 14. Jh. aus Bologna: Elly Cassee, The missal of Cardinal Bertrand de Deux, Flor. 1980 [Ist. universitario olandese di stor. dell’arte, 9], Abb. 64–67).

Häufig illustrierte man in Hss. des Graduale den Introitus („Resurrexi. “) für die Messe am Ostersonntag mit einer Darst. der F. (z. B. Initiale „R“ in: London, Nat. Art Libr., Ms. 1902/1663 [Reid 23], fol. 1r, Arezzo, sp. 13. Jh.: Rowan Watson, Illum. Mss. and their Makers, Ld. 2003, S. 25, Abb. 21).

Vereinzelt gibt es Darstellungen der F. in den eher selten bebilderten *Epistolaren.

So zeigt zur Lesung in der Festmesse des Ostersonntags (I Cor 5,7f.) die F. etwa eine im 4. V. 10. Jh. in Trier entstandene Hs. in Berlin (Staatsbibl. PK, Hs. theol. lat. fol. 34, fol. 17v: Kat. Hss. Bln., 3. R., Bd. 1, T. 1, S. 94–97, Kat.nr. 90 T. 2, Taf. 3, Abb. IV) vgl. ferner St. Gallen, Stiftsbibl., cod. 371, pag. 148 (wahrsch. St. Gallen, 2. H. 11. Jh.: Anton von Euw, Liber Viventium Fabariensis. Bern und Stg. 1989 [Stud. Fabariensia, Bd. 1, S. 204f. und 200, Abb. 144) Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. E. 2, fol. 48v, dat. 1259 Faks.: [16] Bd. 2).

Ein Responsoriale aus dem Zisterzienserinnenkloster Wienhausen, um 1490, bietet zum Osterfest den Text des Festtagsevangeliums nach Markus. Die Initiale „I(n)“ enthält drei Bildfelder: unten F., darüber Christus und Maria sowie oben die Auferstehung: Horst Appuhn, Kloster W., Hbg. 1986, S. 53 und Abb. 72.

Auch im Kollektar fügte man häufig den Orationen für die Gottesdienste an Ostern Bilder der F. hinzu.

In einer Hs. aus der Benediktinerabtei Weingarten, um 1120–1130, ist den österlichen Ereignissen eine ganze Bildseite mit den F. und einer der Erscheinungen gewidmet (Fulda, Hochschul- und L.bibl., Ms. Aa 35, fol. 82v: [50] Bd. 1, S. 104, Abb. 371 Bd. 2, S. 79–85, Kat.nr. 39). In anderen Hss. bot man entweder den Besuch der F. als ungerahmtes Bild nahe beim Text oder innerhalb einer historisierten Initiale „D(eus)“: Stuttgart, Württ. L.bibl., cod. brev. 128, fol. 77v, Zwiefalten, um 1140–1150 (Karl Löffler, Schwäb. Buchmal. in roman. Zeit, Augsb. 1928, Taf. 18a).

Seltener sind dagegen Darstellungen im Benedictionale (RDK I, Sp. 235f.).

Ein Bild zu Ostern mit dem Besuch der F. enthält z.B. das Benedictionale des Bischofs Æthelwold von Winchester, entstanden zw. 963 und 984 (nach 970?): London, B.L., Add. Ms. 49 598, fol. 51v: The Benedictional of St Æthelwold, Faks. hg. von Andrew Prescott, Ld. 22002), ebenso ein Benedictionale aus Regensburg, um 1030–1040 (Los Angeles, The John Paul Getty Mus., Ms. Ludwig VII 1, fol. 40v: [35] Abb. S. 95).

In Hss. des Pontifikale mit den Texte für den feierlichen bischöflichen Segen an Festen können ebenfalls Darst. der F. vorkommen vgl. Fragment des Pontifikale für Guillaume de Thiéville, Bisch. von Coutances, Normandie, um 1325–1335 (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 973, fol. 16v: [11] S. 304, Kat.nr. 251, mit Abb.).

Vereinzelt bot man die F. auch in Tropar und Sequentiar.

Im Tropar aus Prüm geht das Bild der F. den Gesängen zum Ostersonntag voraus (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 9448, fol. 33r, Prüm, um 995: [47] S. 171–182 und 427 mit Abb. 27). Eine solche Darst. illustriert das Osterfest auch in einem Reichenauer Sequentiar (Bamberg, Staatsbibl., Ms. lit. 5, fol. 82r, Tonar, Tropar und Sequentiar, entst. 1001: [89] Bd. 1, S. 83, Nr. 62 Bd. 2, Taf. 11, Abb. 14).

Ausnahme blieb die Bebilderung eines 1322 dat. Caeremoniale, das aus der Abtei S. Pierre au Mont-Blandin stammt und zu den entsprechenden Texten ein Bild mit Kreuzigung und eines der F. enthält (Gent, Bibl. universitaire, ms. 233, fol. 70v: [11] S. 300f., Kat.nr. 248, mit Abb.).

C. Stundengebet

Als Osterbild zeigte man den Besuch der F. in Büchern für das gemeinschaftlich oder privat verrichtete Stundengebet (s. auch Stundenbuch).

Im Antiphonar wurde im MA regelmäßig der Beginn der Antiphon der Laudes mit der In-itiale „A(ngelus)“ (Abb. 20 [27] S. 48, Nr. 1408) hervorgehoben und häufig der Besuch der F. gezeigt (z.B. Prag, Nat.- und Univ.bibl., ms. XIII A 6, fol. 87r, Antiphonar aus Sedlec, Sachsen, um 1260 [?]: Tschechoslowakei. Roman. und got. Buchmal., Paris 1959, Taf. XVI zur Dat. vgl. Hans Belting, Zwischen Gotik und Byzanz. Zs. f. Kg. 41, 1978, S. 238).

Eher selten ist dagegen die Ausgestaltung der Initialen zu den Antiphonen in der Osteroktav, z. B. zur Antiphon der Laudes am Ostermontag mit der Initiale „M(aria)“ (zum Text [27] S. 328, Nr. 3703) in einem Antiphonar für die Zeit von Ostersonntag bis Fronleichnam, ill. von Pellegrino di Mariano (Rossini), Siena, um 1480/1490 (Eberhard König u.a., Leuchtendes MA N.F. 2, Bibermühle 1998, S. 214f., mit Abb.).

Öfter versah man die Texte im Homiliar anläßlich des Osterfests mit einem Bild der F.

Beisp.: Abb. 6 Prato, Bibl. Roncioniana, cod. Q.VIII.2, fol. 1r, Toskana, um 1150: Knut Berg, Stud. in Tuscan Twelfth-C. Illum., Oslo 1968, Abb. 368.

Auch in griech. Homiliaren finden sich entsprechende Darstellungen, z. B. in einer Hs. des 11. Jh.: Paris, BNF, ms. Coislin 239, fol. 19r: George Galavaris, The Ill. of the Liturgical Homilies of Gregory Nazianzenus, Princeton 1969 (Stud. in Ms. Illumin., 6), S. 246 und Taf. 36, Abb. 193.

Die Texte für das Osterfest im Brevier können durch Darstellungen der F. illustriert sein, so in einem Zisterzienserbrevier aus Salem, dat. 1288 (Heidelberg, Univ.bibl., cod. Sal. IX.51, fol. 8r: Oechelhaeuser, Bd. 2, Taf. 1) oder in einem Brevier aus Paris, 2. H. 13. Jh. (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 13 233, fol. 188r: Leroquais, Bréviaires, Bd. 3, S. 239).

In der für den Herzog von Bedford zw. 1424 und 1435 ausgeführten Hs. ist die Wiedergabe der F. eines der Bilder zu den Texten des Weißen Sonntags (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 17 294, fol. 244v: ebd., S. 303).

Die für den privaten Gebrauch eingerichteten Stundenbücher enthalten oft Darstellungen der F. als Bild zu verschiedenen Anlässen.

Häufig stellte man ein Bild der F. dem „Officium de compassione B.M.V.“ voran, so in den um 1372 entstandenen sog. Petites Heures des Duc de Berry (Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 18 014, fol. 163r: Leroquais, Livres d’heures, Bd. 2, S. 184). – Als Bild zur Komplet des Marien-Offiziums bietet den Besuch der F. ein im Auftrag des Verlegers Antoine Vérard ausgestattetes Pariser Stundenbuch aus der Zeit um 1490 (Eberhard König und Heribert Tenschert, Leuchtendes MA, Rotthalmünster und Ramsen 1989, S. 402).

Das Bild der F. füllt den Binnengrund der Initiale „D(omine)“ am Anfang eines Gebets zum gekreuzigten Christus im Passions-Offizium eines Stundenbuchs, England, E. 13. Jh. ([84] Bd. 1, Abb. 27 Bd. 2, S. 24–26, Nr. 15).

Die F. waren auch Osterbild in ital. Laudarien, Sammlungen volkssprachlicher geistlicher Gesänge, z.B. in einem um 1340 in Florenz von Pacino di Buonaguida ausgeführten, nur in Fragmenten erhaltenen Beispiel: Einzelblatt in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Mus., Ms. 194: Ausst.kat. „The Cambridge Illum.“, Cambridge 2005, S. 147f., Nr. 58, Abb. auf S. 148).


Dr Brodie Strachan Herndon (1810-1886)

Herndon was the son of Dabney Herndon a cashier for the Farmers Bank of Virginia. Its building later became home of the National Bank of Fredericksburg. The Farmers building was known as &ldquoHerndon House&rdquo because of the presence of the Herndons. (Daughter Ann went on to marry Commodore Matthew Fontaine Maury, &rdquoPathfinder of the Seas.&rdquo )

Brodie Herndon attended the University of Maryland and returned to Fredericksburg in 1843 to practice medicine.

Herndon served the Vestry between 1847-1865 and purchased pew 13 in the new church in 1849 for $290. He married Lucy Ellen Hansborough and had 9 children. They lived in the Chimneys building at 623 Caroline Street. Herndon contended that the building was haunted and recorded paranormal events, such as doorknobs being turned by invisible hands and doors opening by themselves.

The Herndon family was prominent in the Fredericksburg area. Brodie Herndon Sr.&rsquos, niece Ellen (&ldquoNell&rdquo) who married a lawyer Chester Arthur who later became president She resided for a time at the Chimneys.

Herndon worked as a physician in Fredericksburg, Virginia until the Civil War, when he was appointed as Chief Surgeon for hospitals in Richmond, Virginia. Herndon is reportedly the first American doctor to perform a cesarean section.

Two sons, Brodie S. Herndon, Jr. and Dabney Herndon, both of whom attended medical school in New York and received their medical degrees in 1856. Three doctors in a household! Brodie Herndon, Jr. also served the confederacy as a medical officer and served time in prison camps.

Herndon also wrote a diary Volume 1 spans 1847-1848 volume 3 1863-1872 volume 4 1873-1879 and volume 6 1880-1888. After the war, Brodie migrated to Savannah, Georgia where his mother in law and daughters had fled when the federals had threatened the Chimneys home during Civil War. When Herndon died in 1886, he was buried at Bonaventure cemetery in Savannah.


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