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Adolf Heusinger was born in Holzminden, Germany, on 4th August 1897. He joined the German Army and served throughout the First World War.
Heusinger remained in the army and soon after the outbreak of the Second World War was promoted to colonel and appointed chief of operations at the OKH. When General Kurt Zeitzler became sick in June 1944, Heusinger became temporary army chief of staff and was standing next to Adolf Hitler when the bomb planted by Claus von Stauffenberg exploded on 20th July 1944.
Heusinger, who was slightly injured in the blast, was arrested by the Gestapo and accused of being involved in the July Plot. He appeared before Roland Freisler and his People Court on 7th August, 1944. Although there was evidence that Heusinger had contact with many of the conspirators he was exonerated but was not allowed to return to his senior post in the German Army.
After the war he played an important role in NATO and was chairman of its military committee (1961-64). Adolf Heusinger died in 1982.
Adolf Heusinger was born on 4 August 1897 in Holzminden, Duchy of Brunswick, in the German Empire. He joined the Imperial German Army in 1915 during World War I and fought in the 1916 Battle of Verdun and the following battles in Flanders. In 1914 he was awarded the Iron Cross, and he rose to the rank of Lieutenant after the war, remaining with the small 100,000-man Reichswehr army of the Weimar Republic. After the rise of Nazi Germany, he became a Lieutenant-Colonel and from 15 October 1940 to 25 March 1945 he served as Chief of the Operations Staff (third-in-command of the Wehrmacht), while serving as acting Chief of the General Staff in June 1944 after Kurt Zeitzler fell ill. On 20 July 1944, he was present at the meeting with Adolf Hitler and his top generals at the Wolfschanze in East Prussia. He carried out a briefing about the limited success of the attempts to reform Army Group Center and the inevitable loss of the armies in Latvia and Estonia, hoping to complete the briefing without having a Hitler outburst. However, Hitler shrieked at him, telling him that the German army would never withdraw. He stood behind Hitler during the meeting, and his aide Colonel Heinz Brandt delivered a report on the possibility of defection by Rumania and Bulgaria. Shortly after Hitler questioned Hermann Goring on the rigging of the Me-262 jet bombers, a suitcase bomb planted by Claus von Stauffenburg exploded and tore Brandt's legs off, and Heusinger was hospitalized. The Gestapo interrogated him, but failed to find any evidence that he was connected to the plot.
In May 1945, he was captured by Allied troops and tried in the Nuremburg Trials, and in 1950 he became an adviser to Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of West Germany. In 1955 he became a Lieutenant-General in the Bundeswehr of West Germany, and in June 1957 he was made Inspector-General of the Bundeswehr. In March 1961 he left office and in April 1961 was made Chairman of the NATO Military Committee, and remained in that post until 1964. He died in Cologne in 1982.
The term Neuordnung originally had a more limited meaning than it did later. It is typically translated as "New Order", but a more correct translation would be more akin to "reorganization". [ citation needed ] When it was used in Germany during the Third Reich era, it referred specifically to the desire of the Nazis to redraw the state borders within Europe, thereby transforming the existing geopolitical structures. In the same sense, it has also been used, now and in the past, to denote similar re-orderings of the international political order such as those following the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the Vienna Congress in 1815, and the Allied victory in 1945. The complete phrase used by the Nazi establishment was actually die Neuordnung Europas (the New Order of Europe), for which Neuordnung was merely a shorthand.
According to the Nazi government, that principle was pursued by Germany to secure a fair rearrangement of territory for the common benefit of a new, economically integrated Europe,  which in Nazi terminology meant the continent of Europe with the exception of the "Asiatic" Soviet Union.  Nazi racial views regarded the "Judeo-Bolshevist" Soviet state as both a criminal institution which needed to be destroyed, and as a barbarian place lacking any culture that would give it a "European" character.  Therefore, Neuordnung was rarely used in reference to Soviet Russia, because the Nazis believed it did not feature any elements that could be re-organized along National Socialist lines.
The objective was to ensure a state of total post-war continental hegemony for Nazi Germany.  That was to be achieved by the expansion of the territorial base of the German state itself, combined with the political and economic subjugation of the rest of Europe to Germany. Eventual extensions of the project to areas beyond Europe, as well as on an ultimately global scale, were anticipated for the future period in which Germany would have secured unchallenged control over her own continent, but Neuordnung did not carry that extra-European meaning at the time.
Through its wide use in Nazi propaganda, the phrase quickly gained coinage in Western media. In English-language academic circles especially, it eventually carried a much more inclusive definition, and was increasingly used to refer to the foreign and domestic policies, and the war aims, of the Nazi state, and its dictatorial leader Adolf Hitler. Therefore, the phrase had approximately the same connotations as the term co-prosperity sphere did in Japanese circles, in reference to their planned imperial domain. Nowadays, it is generally used to refer to all the post-war plans and policies, both in and outside of Europe, that the Nazis expected to implement after the anticipated victory of Germany and the other Axis powers in World War II.
Racialist doctrine Edit
The Nazis claimed to scientifically measure a strict hierarchy of human race. The "master race" was said to comprise the purest stock of the Aryan race, which was narrowly defined by the Nazis as being identical with the Nordic race, followed by other sub-Aryan races.  The Nazis said that because Western civilization, created and maintained mostly by Nordics, was obviously superior to other civilizations, the "Nordic" peoples were superior to all other races and were entitled to dominate the world, a concept known as Nordicism. 
Geopolitical strategy Edit
Hitler’s ideas about eastward expansion that he promulgated in Mein Kampf were greatly influenced during his 1924 imprisonment by his contact with his geopolitical mentor Karl Haushofer.  One of Haushofer’s primary geopolitical concepts was the necessity for Germany to get control of the Eurasian Heartland in order for it to attain eventual world domination. 
Anticipated territorial extent of Nazi imperialism Edit
In a subsequently published speech given at Erlangen University in November 1930, Hitler explained to his audience that no other people had more of a right to fight for and attain "control" of the globe (Weltherrschaft, i.e. "world leadership", "world rule") than the Germans. He realized that extremely ambitious goal could never be achieved without significant military effort.  Hitler had alluded to future German world dominance even earlier in his political career. In a letter written by Rudolf Hess to Walter Hewel in 1927, Hess paraphrases Hitler's vision: "World peace is certainly an ideal worth striving for in Hitler's opinion it will be realizable only when one power, the racially best one, has attained complete and uncontested supremacy. That [power] can then provide a sort of world police, seeing to it at the same time that the most valuable race is guaranteed the necessary living space. And if no other way is open to them, the lower races will have to restrict themselves accordingly". 
Heinrich Himmler discussed the territorial aspirations of Germany during his first Posen speech in 1943. He commented on the goals of the warring nations involved in the conflict, and stated that Germany was fighting for new territories and a global power status: 
[T]he Seven Years' War brought Prussia's confirmation as a great European power. That war was carried on for seven years to ensure that the already conquered province of Silesia would remain part of Prussia. This war will ensure that everything annexed to the German Reich, to Greater Germany, and then to the Germanic Reich in the years since 1938, will remain ours. This war is being carried on to keep the path to the East open so that Germany may be a world power to found the Germanic World Empire (Germanisches Weltreich).
Military campaigns in Poland and Western Europe Edit
The initial phase of the establishment of the New Order was:
- First, the signing of the German–Soviet non-aggression agreement on 23 August 1939 prior to the invasion of Poland to secure the new eastern border with the Soviet Union, prevent the emergence of a two-front war, and to circumvent a shortage of raw materials due to an expected British naval blockade.
- Second, the Blitzkrieg attacks in northern and western Europe (Operation Weserübung and the Battle of France respectively) to neutralize opposition from the west. This resulted in the conquest of Denmark, Norway, Luxembourg, Belgium, the Netherlands, and France, all of which were under German rule by the early summer of 1940.
Had the British been defeated by Germany, the political re-ordering of Western Europe would have been accomplished. There was to be no post-war general peace conference in the manner of the one held in Paris after the First World War, merely bilateral negotiations between Germany and her defeated enemies.  All still existing international organizations such as the International Labour Organization were to be dismantled or replaced by German-controlled equivalents.
One of the primary German foreign policy aims throughout the 1930s had been to establish a military alliance with the United Kingdom, and despite anti-British policies having been adopted as this proved impossible, hope remained that the UK would in time yet become a reliable German ally.  Hitler professed an admiration for the British Empire and preferred to see it preserved as a world power, mostly because its break-up would benefit other countries far more than it would Germany, particularly the United States and Japan.   Britain's situation was likened to the historical situation of the Austrian Empire after its defeat by the Kingdom of Prussia in 1866, after which Austria was formally excluded from German affairs but would prove to become a loyal ally of the German Empire in the pre-World War I power alignments in Europe. It was hoped that a defeated Britain would fulfill a similar role, being excluded from continental affairs, but maintaining its Empire and becoming an allied seafaring partner of the Germans.  
William L. Shirer, however, claims that the British male population between 17 and 45 would have been forcibly transferred to the continent to be used as industrial slave labour, although possibly with better treatment than similar forced labor from Eastern Europe.  The remaining population would have been terrorized, including civilian hostages being taken and the death penalty immediately imposed for even the most trivial acts of resistance, with the UK being plundered for anything of financial, military, industrial or cultural value. 
After the war, Otto Bräutigam of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories claimed in his book that in February 1943 he had the opportunity to read a personal report by Wagner regarding a discussion with Heinrich Himmler, in which Himmler had expressed the intention to exterminate about 80% of the populations of France and England by special forces of the SD after the German victory.  [ page needed ]
By annexing large territories in northeastern France, Hitler hoped to marginalize the country to prevent any further continental challenges to Germany's hegemony.  Likewise, the Latin nations of Western and Southern Europe (Portugal, Spain and Italy) were to be eventually brought into a state of total German dependency and control. 
Establishment of a Greater Germanic Reich Edit
One of the most elaborate Nazi projects initiated in the newly conquered territories during this period of the war was the planned establishment of a "Greater Germanic Reich of the German Nation" (Großgermanisches Reich Deutscher Nation).  This future empire was to consist of, in addition to Greater Germany, virtually all of historically Germanic Europe (except Great Britain), whose inhabitants the Nazis believed to be "Aryan" in nature. The consolidation of these countries as mere provinces of the Third Reich, in the same manner in which Austria was reduced to the "Ostmark", was to be carried out through a rapidly enforced process of Gleichschaltung (synchronization). The ultimate intent of this was to eradicate all traces of national rather than racial consciousness, although their native languages were to remain in existence.  
Establishment of German domination in Southeastern Europe Edit
Immediately prior to Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union, five countries, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia were already client states of Nazi Germany. Serbia was under direct German military occupation and Montenegro was under occupation of Italy. Albania had been annexed by Italy [ citation needed ] . Greece was under direct German-Italian military occupation because of the growing resistance movement. Although technically in the Italian sphere of influence, Croatia was in reality a condominium puppet state of the two Axis powers, with Italy controlling the southwestern half, and Germany the northeastern half. Hitler observed that permanent German bases might be established in Belgrade (possibly to be renamed to Prinz-Eugen-Stadt) and Thessaloniki. 
Conquest of Lebensraum in Eastern Europe Edit
And so we National Socialists consciously draw a line beneath the foreign policy tendency of our pre-War period. We take up where we broke off six hundred years ago. We stop the endless German movement to the south and west, and turn our gaze toward the land in the east. At long last we break off the colonial and commercial policy of the pre-War period and shift to the soil policy of the future. If we speak of soil in Europe today, we can primarily have in mind only Russia and her vassal border states.
Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf argued in the chapter "Eastern Orientation or Eastern Policy" that the Germans needed Lebensraum in the East and described it as a "historic destiny" which would properly nurture the future generations of Germans. Hitler believed that "the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race." Hitler spoke on 3 February 1933 to the staff of the army and declared that Germany's problems could be solved by "the conquest of new living space in the east and its ruthless Germanization".  His earlier invasions of Czechoslovakia and Poland can be directly connected to his desire for Lebensraum in Mein Kampf.
Implementation of the long term plan for the New Order was begun on June 22, 1941 with Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of the USSR. The goal of the campaign was not merely the destruction of the Soviet regime—which the Nazis considered illegitimate and criminal—but also the racial reorganization of European Russia, outlined for the Nazi elite in the Generalplan Ost ("General Plan for the East").  Nazi party philosopher Alfred Rosenberg (who, incidentally, protested against the inhumane policy shown toward the Slavs  ) was the Minister for the Eastern Territories, the person nominally in charge of the project, and Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS, was assigned to implement the General Plan for the East which detailed the enslavement, expulsion, and extermination of the Baltic peoples and Slavic peoples.
Furthermore, Hitler hoped to turn Germany into a total blockade-proof autarky by exploiting the vast resources lying in Soviet territories: Ukraine was to provide grain, vegetable oil, fodder, iron ore, nickel, manganese, coal, molybdenum Crimea natural rubber, citrus fruit and cotton the Black Sea fish, and the Caucasus crude oil. 
By 1942 the quasi-colonial regimes called the General Government in Poland, the Reichskommissariat Ostland in the Baltic states and Belarus, and the Reichskommissariat Ukraine in Ukraine had been established. Two more administrative divisions were envisaged: a Reichskommissariat Moskowien that would include the Moscow metropolitan area and vast tracts of European Russia, and a Reichskommissariat Kaukasus in the Caucasus. This policy was accompanied by the annihilation of the entire Jewish population (the Final Solution) as well as the enslavement of their Slavic inhabitants, who it was planned would be made slave laborers on the estates to be granted to SS soldiers after the conquest of European Russia. Each of these SS "soldier peasants" was expected to father at least seven children. 
German women were encouraged to have as many children as possible to populate the newly acquired Eastern territories. To encourage this fertility policy, the Lebensborn program was expanded and the state decoration known as the Gold Honor Cross of the German Mother was instituted, which was awarded to German women who bore at least eight children for the Third Reich. There was also an effort by Martin Bormann and Himmler to introduce new marriage legislation to facilitate population growth, which would have allowed decorated war heroes to marry an additional wife.  Himmler envisaged a German population of 300,000,000 by 2000.
Rosenberg viewed that the political goal of Operation Barbarossa was not merely the destruction of the Bolshevik regime, but the "reversing of Russian dynamism" towards the east (Siberia) and the freeing of the Reich of the "eastern nightmare for centuries to come" by eliminating the Russian state, regardless of its political ideology.  The continued existence of Russia as a potential instigator of Pan-Slavism and its suggestive power over other Slavic peoples in the fight between "Germandom" and "Slavism" was seen as a major threat.  This was to be solved by exploiting ethnic centrifugal forces and limiting the influence of "Greater Russiandom" (Großrussentum) by promoting segmentation in the manner of divide and conquer.
In a memorandum sent to Rosenberg in March 1942, Nazi anthropologist Otto Reche argued for the disappearance of 'Russia' both as an ethnic and political concept, and the promotion of a new plethora of ethnicities based on medieval Slavic tribes such as the Vyatichs and Severians.  Even White Ruthenia, and in particular the Ukraine ("in its present extent") he deemed to be dangerously large.  Heinrich Himmler had already advocated for such a general policy towards Eastern Europe in 1940.  A top-secret memorandum in 1940 from Himmler entitled "Thoughts on the Treatment of Alien Peoples in the East" expressed that the Germans must splinter as many ethnic splinter groups in German-occupied Europe as possible, including Ukrainians, "White Russians" (Belarusians), Gorals (see Goralenvolk), Lemkos, and Kashubians and to find all "racially valuable" people and assimilate them in Germany.  The Eastern Ministry responded that Reche's emphasis on the plurality of ethnic groups in the Soviet Union was correct "in itself", but was skeptical about his proposal to resurrect obscure and extinct nationalities.  He defended his proposal by arguing that "[sic] in the area of ethnicity much has already been successfully brought back to life!", but inquired as to whether names connected with the main towns in each area might serve this role instead.  A memo date written by Erhard Wetzel from the NSDAP Office of Racial Policy administration, on April 1942 details the splitting up of Reichskommissariat Moskowien into very loosely tied Generalkommissariats.  The objective was to undermine the national cohesion of the Russians by promoting regional identification a Russian from the Gorki Generalkommissariat was to feel that he was different from a Russian in the Tula Generalkommissariat.  Also, a source of discussion in the Nazi circles was the replacement of the Cyrillic letters with the German alphabet.  In July 1944, Himmler ordered Ernst Kaltenbrunner, the head of the RSHA, to begin the exporting of the faith of the Jehovah's Witnesses to the occupied east.  Himmler considered the Jehovah's Witnesses to be frugal, hard-working, honest and fanatic in their pacifism, and he believed that these traits were extremely desirable for the suppressed nations in the east  — despite some 2,500 and 5,000 Jehovah's Witnesses becoming victims of the Holocaust.
A series of "semantic guidelines" published by the Reich Interior Ministry in 1942 declared that it was permissible to use the word 'Russia' only in a reference to the "Petersburg empire" of Peter the Great and its follow-ups until the revolution of 1917.  The period from 1300 to Peter the Great (the Grand Duchy of Moscow and the Tsardom of Russia) was to be called the "Muscovite state", while post-1917 Russia was not to be referred to as an empire or a state at all the preferred terms for this period were "bolshevik chaos" or "communist elements".  Furthermore, historic expressions such as Little Russia (Ukraine), White Russia (Belarus/White Ruthenia), Russian Sea (for the Black Sea), and Russian Asia (for Siberia and Central Asia) were to be absolutely avoided as terminology of the "Muscovite imperialism".  "Tatars" was described as a pejorative Russian term for the Volga, Crimean, and Azerbaijan Turks which was preferably to be avoided, and respectively replaced with the concepts "Idel (Volga)-Uralian", "Crimean Turks", and Azerbaijanis. 
Re-settlement efforts Edit
By 1942, Hitler's empire encompassed much of Europe, but the territories annexed lacked population desired by the Nazis.  After Germany had acquired her Lebensraum, she now needed to populate these lands according to Nazi ideology and racial principles.  This was to be accomplished before the end of the war by a "reordering of ethnographical relations".  The initial step of this project had already been taken by Hitler on 7 October 1939, when Himmler was named the Reich Commissar for the Consolidation of Germandom (Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums) (RKFDV) (see also Hauptamt Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, VoMi)  This position authorized Himmler to repatriate ethnic Germans (Volksdeutsche) living abroad to occupied Poland.  Himmler's jurisdiction as the guardian of the Volksdeutsche re-settlement efforts was increased to other occupied territories to be Germanized as the war continued. To make room for the German settlers, hundreds of thousands of Poles and French living in these lands were transferred across borders.  The great majority of Himmler's Volksdeutsche were acquired from the Soviet sphere of interest under the German–Soviet "population exchange" treaty. 
At the end of 1942 a total of 629,000 Volksdeutsche had been re-settled, and preparations for the transfer of 393,000 others were underway.  The long-term goal of the VoMi was the resettlement of a further 5.4 million Volksdeutsche, mainly from Transylvania, Banat, France, Hungary and Romania.  The immigrants were classified either as racially or politically unreliable (settled in Altreich), of high quality (settled in the annexed eastern territories) or suitable for transit camps.  Himmler encountered considerable difficulties with the Volksdeutsche of France and Luxembourg, who often wished to retain their former status as citizens of their respective countries. 
|Territory of origin||Total||Re-settled in annexed eastern territories|
|Estonia and Latvia||76,895||57,249|
|Volhynia, Galicia, Narew||136,958||109,482|
|Gottschee and Ljubljana||15,008||13,143|
|South Tyrol||88,630||Reich, Protectorate, Luxembourg: 68,162|
|France||19,226||Alsace, Lorraine, Luxembourg, Reich, Protectorate: 9,572|
Spain and Portugal Edit
Spanish dictator General Francisco Franco contemplated joining the war on the German side. The Spanish Falangists made numerous border claims. Franco claimed French Basque departments, Catalan-speaking Roussillon, Cerdagne and Andorra.  Spain also wanted to reclaim Gibraltar from the United Kingdom because of the symbolic and strategic value. Franco also called for the reunification of Morocco as a Spanish protectorate, the annexation of the Oran district from French Algeria and large-scale expansion of Spanish Guinea. This last project was especially unfeasible because it overlapped German territorial ambition to reclaim German Cameroon and Spain would most likely be forced to give up Guinea entirely.  Spain also sought federation with Portugal on common cultural and historical grounds (such as the Iberian Union). 
After the Spanish refusal to join the war, Spain and Portugal were expected to be invaded and become puppet states. They were to turn over coastal cities and islands in the Atlantic to Germany as part of the Atlantic Wall and to serve as German naval facilities. Portugal was to cede Portuguese Mozambique and Portuguese Angola as part of the intended Mittelafrika colonial project. 
Plans for an African colonial domain Edit
Hitler's geopolitical thoughts about Africa always occupied a secondary position to his expansionist aims in Europe itself. His public announcements prior to outbreak of the war that Germany's former colonies be returned to it served primarily as bargaining chips to further territorial goals in Europe itself. Africa was nevertheless expected to fall under German control in some way or another after Germany had first achieved supremacy over its own continent. 
Hitler's overall intentions for the future organization of Africa divided the continent into three overall. The northern third was to be assigned to its Italian ally, while the central part would fall under German rule. The remaining southern sector would be controlled by a pro-Nazi Afrikaner state built on racial grounds.  In early 1940 Foreign Minister Ribbentrop had communicated with South African leaders thought to be sympathetic to the Nazi cause, informing them that Germany was to reclaim its former colony of German South-West Africa, then a mandate of the Union of South Africa.  South Africa was to be compensated by the territorial acquisitions of the British protectorates of Swaziland, Basutoland and Bechuanaland and the colony of Southern Rhodesia.  On the division of French African colonies between the Spanish and Italian governments Hitler refused to provide any official promises during the war, however, fearful of losing the support of Vichy France.
In 1940 the general staff of the Kriegsmarine (navy) produced a much more detailed plan accompanied by a map showing a proposed German colonial empire delineated in blue (the traditional color used in German cartography to indicate the German sphere of influence as opposed to the red or pink that represented the British Empire) in sub-Saharan Africa, extending from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean.  The proposed domain was supposed to fulfill the long-sought territorial German goal of Mittelafrika, and even further beyond. It would provide a base from which Germany would achieve a pre-eminent position on the African continent just as the conquest of Eastern Europe was to achieve a similar status over the continent of Europe.
In contrast to territories that were to be acquired in Europe itself (specifically European Russia), these areas were not envisaged as targets for extensive German population settlement. The establishment of a vast colonial empire was to serve primarily economic purposes, for it would provide Germany with most natural resources that it would not be able to find in its continental possessions, as well as an additional nearly unlimited supply of labor. Racialist policies would nevertheless be strictly enforced on all inhabitants (meaning segregation of Europeans and blacks and punishing of interracial relationships) to maintain "Aryan" purity.
The area included all pre-1914 German colonial territories in Africa, as well as additional parts of the French, Belgian and British colonial holdings in Africa. These included the French and Belgian Congos, Northern and Southern Rhodesia (the latter going perhaps to South Africa), Nyasaland, southern Kenya with Nairobi (northern Kenya was to be given to Italy), Uganda, Gabon, Ubangui-Chari, Nigeria, Dahomey, the Gold Coast, Zanzibar, nearly all of Niger and Chad, as well as the naval bases of Dakar and Bathurst. 
A second part of the plan entailed the construction of a huge string of fortified naval and air bases for future operations against the Western hemisphere, spanning much of the Atlantic coastline of Europe and Africa from Trondheim in Norway all the way down to the Belgian Congo, as well as many off-lying islands such as Cape Verde and the Azores. A less extensive but similar initiative was intended for the east coast of Africa.
Division of Asia between the Axis powers Edit
In 1942, a secret diplomatic conference was held between Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire in which they agreed to divide Asia along a line that followed the Yenisei River to the border of China, and then along the border of China and the Soviet Union, the northern and western borders of Afghanistan, and the border between Iran and British India (which included what is now Pakistan).  This treaty, of which a draft was presented to the Germans by ambassador Hiroshi Ōshima, was rejected by the German Foreign Office and the Navy, as it allocated India to Japan and limited the Kriegsmarine's operations in the Indian Ocean.  Hitler, however, found the treaty acceptable, leading to its signing on 18 January 1942. 
The treaty proved to be detrimental for Axis strategic cooperation in the Indian Ocean, as crossing the boundary line required tedious prior consultation.  This made any joint German-Japanese offensive against British positions in the Middle East impossible.  Japanese operations against Allied shipping lines during the Indian Ocean raid had been highly successful along with the attack against Ceylon, but these were not followed due to the non-existent German-Japanese strategic cooperation.  The Germans vigorously maintained watch on the demarcation line, and objected to any Japanese incursion to the "German sphere" of the Axis-divided world.  Thus the Japanese were forced to cancel a planned massive attack against Madagascar, as the island had been delegated to Germany in the treaty. 
Concession of Oceania to Japan Edit
Germany's former colonial possessions in the Pacific (German New Guinea and German Samoa), which had been allocated to Australia and New Zealand after World War I as C-Class Mandates according to the Treaty of Versailles, were to be sold to Japan (both Weimar and Nazi-era Germany never relinquished claims to their pre-war colonial territories) at least temporarily in the interest of the Tripartite Pact, its alliance with that country.  Australia and New Zealand were designated as future Japanese territories, although Hitler lamented his belief that the white race would disappear from those regions.  He nevertheless made it clear to his officials that "the descendants of the convicts in Australia" were not Germany's concern and that their lands would be colonized by Japanese settlers in the immediate future, an opinion also shared by Joseph Goebbels, who expressed his conviction in his diary that the Japanese had always desired "the fifth continent" for emigration purposes.  In his only recorded lengthy discussion on the subject he argued that its people still lived in trees and had not yet learned to walk upright.  Historian Norman Rich stated that it can be assumed that Hitler would have attempted to recruit the Anglo-Saxons of these two countries as colonists for the conquered east some of the English were to share the same fate.  
Middle East and Central Asia Edit
After the projected fall of the Soviet Union, Hitler planned to intensify the war in the Mediterranean.  The OKW produced studies concerning an attack against the Suez Canal through Turkey, an offensive towards Baghdad-Basra from the Caucasus (most of which was already under German occupation as a result of Fall Blau) in support of revolting Arab nationalists, and operations in Afghanistan and Iran directed against British India.  Hitler did not envision German colonization of the region, and was most likely to allow Italian dominance at least over the Levant.    The Jews of the Middle East were to be murdered, as Hitler had promised to the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem in November 1941 (see Einsatzgruppe Egypt). 
Turkey was favored as a potential ally by Hitler because of its important strategic location on the boundaries of Europe, Asia, and Africa, as well as its extensive history as a state hostile against the Russian Empire and the later Soviet Union.  To assure that Germany wanted to work with them on a long-range basis, the Turks were guaranteed an equal status in the German-dominated order, and were promised a number of territories which they might desire for reasons of security. These encompassed Edirne (Adrianople) and an expansion of Turkish frontiers at the expense of Greece, the creation of buffer states in the Caucasus under Turkish influence, a revision of the Turkish-Syrian frontier (the Baghdad Railway and the State of Aleppo) and the Turkish-Iraqi frontier (the Mosul region), as well as a settlement of "the Aegean question" to provide Turkey with suitable protection against encroachments from Italy.  The Black Sea (which Hitler derided as "a mere frog-pond")  was also to be conceded to Turkey as part of its sphere of influence, for this would negate the need of stationing a German navy in the region to replace the Soviet Black Sea Fleet.  Crimea (tentatively dubbed Gotenland by the Nazis) was nevertheless to be fortified to ensure permanent German possession of the peninsula, and the Black Sea exploited as an "unlimited" resource of seafood. 
Allied-occupied Iran was also to be drawn into the Axis camp, possibly by the means of an uprising.  The possibility of Iran as an anti-Soviet bastion was already considered in the 1930s, and coincided with Hitler's declaration of Iran as an "Aryan state" (the name Iran literally means "homeland of the Aryans" in Persian). The changing of Persia's name to Iran in 1935 was done by the Shah at the suggestion of the German ambassador to Iran as an act of "Aryan solidarity".  However the Iranians had always called their country "Iran", a name that predated the rise of Nazi Germany by more than a thousand years.  On the eve of World War II Germany was already Iran's single-biggest trading partner, followed by the Soviet Union, United Kingdom, and the United States. 
During pre-war diplomatic maneuvers, the NSDAP Office of Foreign Affairs took special interest in Afghanistan, believing that the German Empire had failed to exploit the country diplomatically during the First World War despite the Niedermayer-Hentig Expedition.  The objective was to ensure that the country would remain neutral during a possible German-British conflict, and even use it militarily against British India or Soviet Russia.  Despite the NSDAP Foreign Office's good relations with the Afghan government, the Foreign Ministry under Ribbentrop favored overthrowing the current government and restoration of the rule of Amānullāh Khān, who had been living in exile since 1929.  Hitler eventually came to support Rosenberg's office on this issue.  After the German-French armistice of 1940, the Kabul government tried to question Berlin on German plans concerning the future of Afghanistan.  Of special interest were the post-war borders of the country - the Afghan government hoped to see the re-incorporation of 15 million ethnic Pashtuns which had been placed in British India thanks to the Durand Line, and the securing of the northern Indian border so that an expansion towards the Indian Ocean became possible (See Pashtunistan).  As the Nazi–Soviet Axis talks of October–November were then underway (and the possible expansion of the Soviet sphere of influence in south-central Asia and India was on the table), Berlin was reluctant to give any binding offers to Kabul. 
The Third Saudi State under Ibn Saud was seen as a natural ally, and was to be given territorial concessions in south-west Arabia and Transjordan.  Also, a post-war satellite Greater Arab Union was discussed. 
Although initially intending to concede Italy control of the region, after that country had defected to the Allied camp in 1943 Hitler came to regard the Islamic countries and the Pan-Arab movement increasingly more as the natural ally of National Socialist Germany, as opposed to the "treacherous" Italians.  On 17 February 1945 in particular he explained to his entourage his regrets that Germany's prior alliance with its southern neighbor had prevented her from pursuing a more revolutionary policy towards the Arab world, which would have also allowed its exit from the British and French spheres of influence in the area: 
In the nature of things, this territory was becoming an Italian preserve and it was as such that the Duce laid claim to it. Had we been on our own, we could have emancipated the Moslem countries dominated by France and that would have had enormous repercussions in the Near East, dominated by Britain, and in Egypt. But with our fortunes linked to those of the Italians, the pursuit of such a policy was not possible. All Islam vibrated at the news of our victories. The Egyptians, the Iraqis and the whole of the Near East were all ready to rise in revolt. Just think what we could have done to help them, even to incite them, as would have been both our duty and in our own interest! But the presence of the Italians at our side paralyzed us it created a feeling of malaise among our Islamic friends, who inevitably saw in us accomplices, willing or unwilling, of their oppressors.
Hitler's plans for India Edit
Hitler's views on India were generally disparaging.  He considered the British colonial rule of the subcontinent as an exemplary one and intended the German rule in the occupied East to resemble it.  Hitler thought little of the Indian independence movement, declaring them to be racially inferior "Asiatic jugglers".  As early as 1930 he spoke of the independence movement as the rebellion of the "lower Indian race against the superior English Nordic race", and that the British were free to deal with any subversive Indian activists as they liked.  In 1937 he told the British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax that the British should "shoot Gandhi, and if this doesn't suffice to reduce them to submission, shoot a dozen leading members of the Congress, and if that doesn't suffice shoot 200, and so on, as you make it clear that you mean business."  During the same discussion Hitler reportedly told Halifax that one of his favorite films was The Lives of a Bengal Lancer, because it depicted a handful of "superior race" Britons holding sway over the subcontinent. 
Nazi ideologist Alfred Rosenberg stated that although the Vedic culture was Aryan in origin, any Nordic blood had long since been lost due to racial mixing.  Like Hitler, he viewed the British rule in India as desirable.  Asit Krishna Mukherji, with support of the German consulate, published The New Mercury, a National Socialist magazine and was lauded by Baron von Selzam in a "communiqué to all German legations in the Far East that no one had rendered services to the Third Reich in Asia comparable to those of Sir Asit Krishna Mukherji's."  Savitri Devi, who would later marry him, shared his beliefs "in the pan Aryan revival of India", as well as in Hindu nationalism, and once World War II started, both "undertook clandestine war work on behalf of the Axis powers in Calcutta." 
During the first years of the war in Europe, as Hitler sought to reach an arrangement with the British, he held the notion that India should remain under British control after the war, as in his mind the only alternative was a Soviet occupation of the subcontinent.  As the British had rejected German peace offers, Hitler ordered on 17 February 1941 to prepare a military study for a post-Barbarossa operation in Afghanistan against India. The goal of this operation was not so much to conquer the subcontinent, but to threaten British military positions there to force the British to come to terms.  A week later the Afghanistan operation was the subject of a discussion between head of the Army General Staff Franz Halder, Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres Walter von Brauchitsch and chief of the Operationsabteilung OKH Adolf Heusinger.  In an assessment produced on 7 April 1941, Halder estimated that the operation would require 17 divisions and one separate regiment.  A Special Bureau for India was created with these goals in mind.
Indian revolutionary Subhas Chandra Bose escaped from India on 17 January 1941 and arrived in Berlin via Moscow. There he proposed organizing an Indian national government in exile and urged the Axis to declare their support for the Indian cause.  He eventually managed to extract such promises from Japan after the Fall of Singapore and later on from Italy as well, but the Germans refused.  Bose was granted an audience with Benito Mussolini, but Hitler initially refused to see him, although he did acquire access to Joachim von Ribbentrop after much difficulty.  The German Foreign Ministry was skeptical of any such endeavors, as the German goal was to use Bose for propaganda and subversive activity, especially following the model of the 1941 pro-Axis coup in Iraq.  These propaganda measures included anti-Raj radio broadcasts and the recruitment of Indian prisoners of war for the "Free India Legion".  Bose eventually met with Hitler on 29 May 1942.  During the discussion, which mostly consisted of Hitler monologing to Bose,  Hitler expressed his skepticism for India's readiness for a rebellion against the Raj, and his fears of a Soviet takeover of India.  He stated that if Germany had to do anything about India it would first have to conquer Russia, for the road to India could only be accomplished through that country,  although he did promise to financially support Bose and help relocate him to the Far East.  Bose later described the encounter by stating that it was impossible to get Hitler involved in any serious political discussion. 
On 18 January 1942, it was decided that the Indian subcontinent was to be divided between the Axis powers. Germany was to take the part of British India roughly corresponding to the western part of modern day Pakistan, while the rest of British India, along with Afghanistan, was marked for Japan.  
Hitler's plans for North America Edit
Before completing the expected German conquest of Europe, the Nazi leadership hoped to keep the United States out of the war.  In an interview with Life in the spring of 1941, Hitler stated that a German invasion of the Western Hemisphere was as fantastic as an invasion of the moon, and he said he was convinced that the idea was being promoted by men who mistakenly thought that war would be good for business. 
U.S. pro-Nazi movements such as the Friends of the New Germany and the German-American Bund played no role in Hitler's plans for the country, and received no financial or verbal support from Germany after 1935.  However, certain Native American advocate groups, such as the fascist-leaning American Indian Federation, were to be used to undermine the Roosevelt administration from within by means of propaganda.   Fictitious reports about Berlin declaring the Sioux as Aryans were circulated by the German-American Bund with the aim of increasing tensions between Native Americans and the government of the United States, impelling Native Americans to resist being drafted or registered by the Bureau of Indian Affairs such rumours were reported by John Collier, commissioner of Indian Affairs, to the Congress as true, thus not merely spreading them further but also legitimating them in the eyes of many.   As a boy, Hitler had been an enthusiastic reader of Karl May westerns  and he told Albert Speer that he still turned to them for inspiration as an adult when he was in a tight spot. 
Approximately nine months before the United States joined the Allies, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt made a reference to the New Order in a speech he gave on March 15, 1941, recognizing Hitler's hostility towards the United States and the destructive potential it represented, about which Roosevelt was quite acutely aware:
. Nazi forces are not seeking mere modifications in colonial maps or in minor European boundaries. They openly seek the destruction of all elective systems of government on every continent, including our own. They seek to establish systems of government based on the regimentation of all human beings by a handful of individual rulers who seize power by force.
Yes, these men and their hypnotized followers call this a "New Order." It is not new, and it is not order. For order among nations presupposes something enduring, some system of justice under which individuals over a long period of time are willing to live. Humanity will never permanently accept a system imposed by conquest, and based on slavery. These modern tyrants find it necessary to their plans to eliminate all democracies—eliminate them one by one. The nations of Europe, and indeed we, ourselves, did not appreciate that purpose. We do now. 
Hitler held U.S. society in contempt, stating that the United States (which he consistently referred to as the "American Union") was "half Judaized, and the other half Negrified"  and that "in so far as there are any decent people in America, they are all of German origin".  As early as 1928, he had maintained that National Socialist Germany must prepare for the ultimate struggle against the U.S. for hegemony.  In mid-late 1941, as Hitler became overconfident of an Axis victory in Europe against the UK and the Soviet Union, he began planning an enormous extension of the Kriegsmarine, projected to include 25 battleships, 8 aircraft carriers, 50 cruisers, 400 submarines and 150 destroyers, far exceeding the naval expansion that had already been decided on in 1939's Plan Z.  Historian Gerhard L. Weinberg stated that this super-fleet was intended against the Western Hemisphere.  Hitler also considered the occupation of the Portuguese Azores, Cape Verde and Madeira and the Spanish Canary islands to deny the British a staging ground for military actions against Nazi-controlled Europe, and also to gain Atlantic naval bases and military airfields for operations against North America.   Hitler desired to use the islands to "deploy long-range bombers against American cities from the Azores", via a plan that actually arrived on Hermann Göring's RLM office desks in the spring of 1942 for the design competition concerning such an aircraft.  In July 1941, Hitler approached Japanese ambassador Ōshima with an offer to wage a joint struggle against the U.S.  —Japan's own Project Z aircraft design program was one possible manner in which such a goal could be accomplished, all during the timeframe that the USAAC had itself, on April 11, 1941, first proposed a competition for airframe designs for the same sort of missions against the Axis forces, the Northrop XB-35 and the Convair B-36, flying directly from North American soil to attack Nazi Germany.
In this final battle for world domination, Hitler expected the defeated British to eventually support the Axis forces with its large navy.  He stated that "England and America will one day have a war with one another, which will be waged with the greatest hatred imaginable. One of the two countries will have to disappear."  and "I shall no longer be there to see it, but I rejoice on behalf of the German people at the idea that one day we will see England and Germany marching together against America". 
The actual physical conquest of the United States was unlikely, however,  and the future disposition of U.S. territories remained cloudy in Hitler's mind.  He perceived the anticipated battle with that country, at least under his own rule, to be a sort of "battle of the continents"—possibly along the lines of then-contemporary U.S. thought, such as the opening text from the second film in Frank Capra's Why We Fight series, illustrating one U.S. viewpoint of what Hitler could have thought on such matters while viewing the crowds at the 1934 Nuremberg rally  —with a Nazi-dominated Old World fighting for global dominance against the New World, in which Germany would attain leadership of the world rather than establish direct control over it.  Further decisions down the line were left up to future generations of German rulers.
Canada featured fairly little in Nazi conceptions of the post-war world. Because Hitler's political objectives were primarily focused on Eastern Europe before and during the war — in contrast to his own opinions towards the United States from 1928 in his unpublished volume, Zweites Buch  —Hitler considered the United States a negligible political factor in the world, while Canada interested him even less.  He politically grouped the country together with the United States in a U.S.-dominated North America, and considered it equally as "materialistic, racially bastardized, and decadent" as its southern neighbor.  In 1942, when expressing his fear of an imminent collapse of the British Empire which he preferred to remain intact, Hitler believed that the United States would seize and annex Canada at the first opportunity,  and that the Canadians would be quick to welcome such a move. 
This lack of policy direction from the top meant that Nazi politicians concerned with representing Germany's interests and relations with Canada had to resort to an improvised line of policy which they believed to be in accordance with Hitler's wishes.  The country was noted for its abundance of natural resources, and because of its great geographic size coupled with a low population density was characterized as "a country without people", in contrast to Germany which was considered "a people without space".  In his 1934 travelogue account of Canada, Zwischen USA und dem Pol (English: Between the U.S. and the North Pole ), German journalist Colin Ross described Canadian society as artificial because it was composed of many different parts that weren't tied together by either blood or long-standing traditions (highlighting the differences between the French and English Canadians in particular), and that for this reason one could not speak of either a Canadian nation or Volk.  As a result the country's political system was also considered mechanic and non-organic, and that Ottawa did not constitute "the heart of the nation". Because of both these factors the Canadians were deemed incapable of comprehending "true culture", and German immigration in Canada was considered a mistake because they would be forced to live in an "empty civilization". 
Plans for economic domination in South America Edit
Neither Hitler nor any other major Nazi leader showed much interest towards South America, except as a warning example of "racial mixing".  However, the NSDAP/AO was active in various South American countries (notably among German Brazilians and German Argentines), and trade relations between Germany and the South American countries were seen as of great importance.  Between 1933 and 1941, the Nazi aim in South America was to achieve economic hegemony by expanding trade at the expense of the Western Powers.  Hitler also believed that German-dominated Europe would displace the United States as the principal trading partner of the continent.  Long-term Nazi hopes for political penetration of the region were placed on the local fascist movements, such as the Integralists in Brazil and fascists in Argentina, combined with the political activation of the German immigrant communities.   Hitler also had hopes of seeing German immigrants "returning" from the Western Hemisphere to colonize the conquered East.  Despite being occasionally suspicious of the South American Germans of adopting a "South attitude towards life", top Nazis believed that their experience working in underdeveloped areas would make them ideal settlers for the annexed eastern territories. 
On 27 October 1941 Roosevelt stated in a speech "I have in my possession a secret map, made in Germany by Hitler's government, by planners of the new world order. It is a map of South America and part of Central America as Hitler proposes to organize it" into five countries under German domination. The speech amazed both the United States and Germany the latter claimed the map was a forgery. While British Security Coordination indeed forged the map and arranged for discovery by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, it likely was based in part on a real, public map of boundary changes German agents used to persuade South American countries to join the New Order.  
Although pursuing an alliance based on Realpolitik with Imperial Japan in the battle against the "Western Plutocracies" and Soviet Bolshevism, the Nazi leadership ultimately considered this cooperation only temporary in nature. The racial ideology of Nazism predicted that the fate of human civilization depended on the ultimate triumph of the Germanic-Nordic peoples, and in fact the populous Asian continent was seen as the greatest threat to hegemony of the white race. The Japanese people were characterized as 'culture-bearers', meaning they could make use of the technological and civilizational achievements of the Aryan race and by so doing maintain an advanced society, but could not truly create 'culture' themselves.  Gerhard Weinberg asserts that the historical evidence points to the conclusion that Hitler, like he had done with the Soviets in the 1939–1941 period, employed a tactic of conceding to the Japanese whatever they desired until they in turn could be defeated in a subsequent war.  In early 1942, Hitler is quoted saying to Ribbentrop: "We have to think in terms of centuries. Sooner or later there will have to be a showdown between the white and the yellow races." 
In July 1941, as plans were being laid out for post-Barbarossa military operations, the Wehrmacht's naval top-level command, the Oberkommando der Marine, was not ready to exclude the possibility of a war between Germany and Japan.  In 1942, NSDAP official Erhard Wetzel (Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories) predicted that "the self-determination of the numerically strong Asian peoples after this war" would challenge German-controlled Europe with Japanese instigation, and stated that "a Greater Asia and an independent India are formations that dispose over hundreds of millions of inhabitants. A German world power with 80 or 85 million Germans by contrast is numerically too weak".  Wetzel further pondered on Germany's choices on the population policies in occupied Russia: if the Russians were restricted to having as few children as possible in the interest of German colonization, this would further "weaken the white race in view of the dangers of Asia". 
As the Japanese were conquering one European colonial territory after another in Asia and Oceania, and seemingly poised to take over Australia and New Zealand as well, Hitler further believed that the white race would disappear altogether from these regions, which he viewed as a turning point in history.  He was relieved that Japan had entered the war on Germany's side, however, as he had long hoped to use that country as a strategic counterweight against the United States, but also because Japanese hegemony in East Asia and the Pacific would guarantee both countries' security against other powers. Looking into the future, he remarked that "There's one thing Japan and Germany have in common both of us need fifty to a hundred years for purposes of digestion: we for Russia, they for the Far East". 
During his speech at the meeting of SS major-Generals at Posen on 4 October 1943, Heinrich Himmler commented on the future conflicts between Nazi-controlled Europe and Asia:
[W]e will create the necessary conditions for the whole Germanic people and the whole of Europe, controlled, ordered and led by us, the Germanic people, to be able, in generations, to stand the test in her battles of destiny against Asia, who will certainly break out again. We do not know when that will be. Then, when the mass of humanity of 1 to 1½ [billion] lines up against us, the Germanic people, numbering, I hope, 250 to 300 million, and the other European peoples, making a total of 600 to 700 million – (and with an outpost area stretching as far as the Urals, or, a hundred years, beyond the Urals) – must stand the test in its vital struggle against Asia. It would be an evil day if the Germanic people did not survive it. It would be the end of beauty and "Kultur", of the creative power of this earth. That is the distant future. It is for that that we are fighting, pledged to hand down the heritage of our ancestors. 
Himmler addressed this apocalyptic vision in an earlier speech given to SS generals at the University of Kharkiv, Ukraine in April 1943. He first spoke on the necessity of the war against the Soviets and Jewry:
These clashes are the only evolutionary possibility which will enable us one day, now that Fate has given us the Führer Adolf Hitler, to create the Germanic Reich. They are the necessary condition, for our race, and our blood to create for itself and put under cultivation, in the years of peace (during which we must live and work austerely, frugally and like Spartans), that settlement area in which new blood can breed, as in a botanical garden so to speak. Only by this means can the Continent become a Germanic Continent, capable of daring to embark, in one or two or three or five or ten generations, on the conflict with this Continent of Asia which spews out hordes of humanity. 
After the decisive German defeat at the Battle of Stalingrad on 2 February 1943, Germany was forced onto the defensive and was no longer able to actively pursue implementation of the New Order in the Soviet Union, although the genocide against Jews, Romani, and other minorities continued. Following the subsequent failure of the 1943 summer offensive to regain the territories lost to the Soviets earlier that year, the Wehrmacht was no longer able to mount an effective large-scale counter-attack on the Eastern Front. In a discussion with Joseph Goebbels on 26 October 1943 Hitler opined that Germany should conclude a temporary armistice with the Soviet Union and return to its 1941 border in the east.  This would then give Germany the opportunity to defeat the British forces in the west first (no mention was made of the United States's part in the Allied alliance) before resuming a new war for Lebensraum against the Soviet Union at a later point in time. Hitler thought that his future successor might have to carry out this later war, as he believed himself to be too old by then. 
Late in the war, after the failure of the final Ardennes offensive and the Allied crossing of the Rhine into Germany itself, Hitler hoped that a decisive victory on the Eastern Front might still preserve the Nazi regime, resulting in Operation Spring Awakening.  He believed that, with the conclusion of a separate peace-treaty with the Soviet Union, a division of Poland might still be realized and leave Hungary and Croatia (the former still under German occupation at the time, the latter a Croatian fascist puppet-state) under German control.  Hitler only acknowledged Germany's imminent defeat mere days prior to his suicide. 
- (1914) 1st and 2nd Class 1918 in Black (1939) 1st and 2nd Class
- Princely Reuss Honour Cross 3rd Class with Swords
- Princely Reuss Silver Merit Medal with Swords 2nd Class (Brunswick) (World War I service medal) in silver (1939), 1st and 2nd Class with Swords , 2nd Class
- Commanders of the United States Legion of Merit
- Commander's Cross of the Order of the Crown of Italy
- Commander's Cross of the Order of Merit of Hungary
- ↑ Although Generalleutnant was the last rank he held in the Wehrmacht, this was actually a promotion, as a Generalleutnant in the Imperial German Army and the Wehrmacht was equivalent to a major general in the British and American armies. The Bundeswehr uses a NATO-standardized rank structure, with the rank of Brigadegeneral added and Generalleutnant now equivalent to lieutenant general in the British and American armies.
Portrait of General Adolf Heusinger, former Chief of Army Operations at the IMT Nuremberg commission hearings investigating indicted Nazi organizations.
About This Photograph
Event History The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg indicted several Nazi groups and organizations which it declared to be criminal, in addition to the 21 individual leaders of the Third Reich that appeared in the defendants dock. These organizations included the Reich Cabinet, the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party, the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD,) the Secret State Police (Gestapo), the Stormtroopers (SA), and the General Staff and High Command of the German Armed Forces.
The idea behind this novel and controversial proposal was the desire to deal with two problems: (a) finding a legal basis for punishing German crimes committed before the war, and (b) developing a procedure for dealing with the hundreds of thousands of members of the SS and other Nazi organizations implicated in German atrocities. The prosecutors felt that in these organizations there were so many war criminals that individual trials were impossible and that the perpetrators could only be punished on the basis of their proven membership in a criminal organization.
The tribunal, in accordance with its charter, ordered that notices of the impending trials be disseminated throughout Germany. Announcements were published in the German press, broadcast over the radio and posted in internment and POW camps where many of those affected were being held. The response to the trial notices was overwhelming. The deluge of letters, affidavits and applications to be heard in support of the Nazi organizations presented the tribunal with staggering logistical problems. In response, the judges on March 12, 1946 announced their decision to appoint a commissioner charged with the responsibility of reviewing the submissions and hearing witnesses. He was to report to the tribunal the results of his examinations. The judges also gave permission to defense counsel to visit the camps to select witnesses to testify about the accused organizations.
Lt. Col. Airey Neave, a highly decorated British officer, was named commissioner. On May 20, 1946 he began to hear witnesses, but quickly found that there were too many for him to cope with alone. As a result, several assistant commissioners, one each from the US, the USSR and France, were appointed. Over the life of the commission (May 20-August 12, 1946), 101 witnesses were heard in person and hundreds of thousands of affidavits, submitted on behalf of the various Nazi organizations, were reviewed.
The hearings were held in a large room at the Nuremberg courthouse that was dominated by an elevated platform, where the commissioner or his assistant sat. Next to him was the court reporter. In front and to the left of the court reporter were the representatives of the prosecution and defense, and on the right, at the front was the witness. Commission sessions usually lasted about three hours and were held in the morning and again in the afternoon. The single interpreter, who sat to the right and in front of the commissioner, was responsible for the consecutive interpretation from English to German and from German to English, the only two languages used in the proceedings. (The Russian prosecutor was usually accompanied by his personal interpreter.) A second interpreter (who was expected to relieve the one on duty at the break), usually sat behind the interpreter on duty. (There were a total of three interpreters, working two days on and one day off.) In the rear of the room were seats for perhaps twenty visitors.
Examination of the witnesses was handled by lawyers designated to defend the organizations or, on occasion, by the lawyers of the individual defendants before the tribunal. Cross examination was generally handled by Robert Kempner, one of the American assistant prosecutors and Mervyn Griffith-Jones of the UK, and less frequently by Col. Yuri Pokrovsky of the USSR and Henri Monneray of France. The witnesses heard by the commission ranged from the top to the bottom of the hierarchical ladder, from Gauleiter, deputy minister and field marshal to local officials. Among the more prominent witnesses were: Dr. Helmut Knochen, head of the SD in France Dieter Wilisceny, deputy to Adolf Eichmann, SS Dr. Franz Schlegelberger, State Secretary/Deputy Minister of Justice Walter Schellenberg, Chief, SS Foreign Intelligence and General Field Marshalls Gerd von Rundstedt and Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb.
After receiving the six reports submitted by the commission, the tribunal issued its judgement on September 30 and October 1, 1946. While the leadership corps of the Nazi Party, the Gestapo, SD and the SS were all found guilty, the SA, Reich Cabinet and General Staff and the High Command were found not guilty.
[Source, Schwab, Gerald, "The Trial of Nazi Organizations as Part of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal," (unpublished article, June 14, 2002)].
The International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg opened in the fall of 1945, but by the winter of 1942, the governments of the Allied powers had already announced their determination to punish Nazi war criminals. On December 17, 1942, the leaders of the United States, Great Britain, and the Soviet Union issued the first joint declaration officially noting the mass murder of European Jewry and resolving to prosecute those responsible for violence against civilian populations. Though some political leaders advocated for summary executions instead of trials, eventually the Allies decided to hold an International Military Tribunal so that, in the words of Cordell Hull, "a condemnation after such a proceeding will meet the judgment of history, so that the Germans will not be able to claim that an admission of war guilt was extracted from them under duress." The October 1943 Moscow Declaration, signed by U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet leader Josef Stalin, stated that at the time of an armistice persons deemed responsible for war crimes would be sent back to those countries in which the crimes had been committed and adjudged according to the laws of the nation concerned. Major war criminals, whose crimes could be assigned no particular geographic location, would be punished by joint decisions of the Allied governments.
The trials of leading German officials before the International Military Tribunal (IMT), the best known of the postwar war crimes trials, formally opened in Nuremberg on November 20, 1945, only six and a half months after Germany surrendered. Each of the four Allied nations -- the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, and France -- supplied a judge and a prosecution team. Lord Justice Geoffrey Lawrence of Great Britain served as the court's presiding judge. The trial's rules were the result of delicate reconciliations of the Continental and Anglo-American judicial systems. A team of translators provided simultaneous translations of all proceedings in four languages: English, French, German, and Russian. After much debate, 24 defendants were selected to represent a cross-section of Nazi diplomatic, economic, political, and military leadership. Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Joseph Goebbels never stood trial,having committed suicide before the end of the war. The IMT decided not to try them posthumously so as not to create an impression that they might still be alive. In fact, only 21 defendants appeared in court. German industrialist Gustav Krupp was included in the original indictment, but he was elderly and in failing health, and it was decided in preliminary hearings to exclude him from the proceedings. Nazi Party secretary Martin Bormann was tried and convicted in absentia, and Robert Ley committed suicide on the eve of the trial.
The IMT indicted the defendants on charges of crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. The IMT defined crimes against humanity as "murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation. or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds." A fourth charge of conspiracy was added both to cover crimes committed under domestic Nazi law before the start of World War II and so that subsequent tribunals would have jurisdiction to prosecute any individual belonging to a proven criminal organization. Therefore the IMT also indicted several Nazi organizations deemed to be criminal, namely the Reich Cabinet, the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party, the Elite Guard (SS), the Security Service (SD), the Secret State Police (Gestapo), the Stormtroopers (SA), and the General Staff and High Command of the German Armed Forces.
The defendants were entitled to a legal counsel of their choosing. Over 400 visitors attended the proceedings each day, as well as 325 correspondents representing 23 different countries. American chief prosecutor Robert Jackson decided to argue his case primarily on the basis of mounds of documents written by the Nazis themselves rather than eyewitness testimony so that the trial could not be accused of relying on biased or tainted testimony. Testimony presented at Nuremberg revealed much of what we know about the Holocaust including the details of the Auschwitz death machinery, the destruction of the Warsaw ghetto, and the estimate of six million Jewish victims.
The judges delivered their verdict on October 1, 1946. Agreement among three out of four judges was needed for conviction. Twelve defendants were sentenced to death, among them Joachim von Ribbentrop, Hans Frank, Alfred Rosenberg, and Julius Streicher. They were hanged, cremated in Dachau, and their ashes were dropped in the Isar River. Hermann Goering escaped the hangman's noose by committing suicide the night before. The IMT sentenced three defendants to life imprisonment and four to prison terms ranging from 10 to 20 years. It acquitted three of the defendants.
How did Adolf Heusinger go from fighting for Germany in World War II to leading US-affiliated NATO?
According to this wikipedia page, Adolf Heusinger went straight from Inspector General of the Bundeswehr (Germany) to Chairman of the NATO Military Committee (US) after World War II.
Was this transition smooth? What was his public perception? The whole thing seems odd to my uniformed self.
The postwar career of Heusinger and other Wehrmacht generals like Hans Speidel, Josef Kammhuber, Friedrich Foertsch reflects the wider process of West German rearmament under the auspices of the Adenauer government. Although he was hostile to the spirit of Prussian militarism and leery of the costs associated with rearmament (both fiscal and political), Adenauer saw the rearmament of the FRG as accomplishing two of his major goals for postwar Germany. Firstly, an independent armed force would be a sign that the FRG had regained its own sovereignty. Secondly, Adenauer conceived of the postwar FRG as an integral component of Western Europe. A German military would be an active participant in Western European defense organizations and having a strong German armed presence in Central Europe helped ensure that Western Europe would not abandon Germany to the Soviets to a more defensible line along the Rhine River. The creation of a large professional army quickly helped to precipitate both these agendas.
Since the Adenauer government wanted to establish a new army quickly, this necessitated the involvement veteran German officers and close cooperation with the Western Allied military heads. In the latter case, the former occupation regime was already quite amenable to a German rearmament. In November 1949, Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery and General Lucius Clay co-authored a paper arguing that German military participation was essential for the defense of Western Europe. But beyond public position papers written by former occupation chiefs, a number of officials in Western governments began to perceive West German rearmament as desirable. The JCS had drawn up plans for German rearmament and equipment in light of the Soviet forces in Eastern Europe. The outbreak of the Korean War allowed for the Western governments to openly acknowledge what had been a relatively silent encouragement of German rearmament.
Although Cold War security needs animated Western acceptance of German rearmament, for the officers of the Wehrmacht, rearmament offered them a chance at a greater rehabilitation in the postwar order. As early as the summer of 1945, upper-level German officers were portraying themselves as innocent victims of a criminal Hitlerite regime and that the armed forces of the Third Reich fought an honorable and professional war. The idea of a "clean Wehrmacht" entailed foisting all responsibility for German war crimes onto a narrow clique of Hitler and his collaborators in the SS. The involvement of these officers in planning rearmament allowed them to play up both their professionalism and reestablish the military as one of the foundations of the German state- two major precepts of the clean Wehrmacht narrative.
For his part, Heusinger was emblematic of the image these veterans were trying to construct of the armed forces. Heusinger's aide and later successor as Inspector General, Ulrich Ulrich de Maizière, noted that his chief's:
analyses, based on his analytical reasoning, and his military advice, were marked by a sober objectivity and sober language which avoided any exaggeration, thus came across as convincing. Adenauer too, who in general did not have a good opinion of military men, believed in him and gave him considerable trust. Heusinger possessed understanding of the dependence of military decisions on politics, but no one could accuse him of political ambition. His modest and reserved presence was free from emotion.
De Maizière's encomium about Heusinger incorporated much of the image that German generals sought to present of themselves as a group after the war: able, level-headed, apolitical, and above all, professional. In short, this self-image was the antithesis of the National Socialist regime led by Hitler which was erratic, overly ideological, and incompetent. Heusinger's tangential relationship with the 20 July plotters, which led to a short Gestapo investigation, served to establish his credentials as an opponent of the National Socialist regime but his appearance of professionalism was a connection to German military traditions that the Amt Blank, which had been tasked by Adenauer to lay the foundations for the personnel requirements of rearmament, sought to cultivate.
However, it was seldom a straight line to go from Wehrmacht veteran to Bundeswehr officer. Most senior Wehrmacht veterans that went on to serve in the Bundeswehr has to be cleared through the Personalgutachterausschuss (PGA), a committee set up in 1955 for vetting these applicants for a correct political mentality. Lower-level officer candidates were to be cleared by the Annahmeorganization (Accepting Organization), which had much less stringent criteria for denazification. Both of these organizations tended to discriminate against veterans of the Waffen-SS and other veterans whose loyalties to the new regime was suspect. Although there was a certain degree of Heer cliquishness at work, the wartime Heer officers tended to regard the Waffen-SS as an organization that substituted ideological fervor for sound training, there was a serious attempt to reform the German military establishment to make it a pillar of German democracy. One of the architects of the FRG's rearmament, Wolf Graf von Baudissin, developed a philosophical-military concept of Innere Führung, in which a subordinate was supposed to keep his head and disobey orders if the situation warranted it. Von Baudissin and other Bundeswehr reformers saw the cultivation of this initiative as an alternative to the blind obedience they blamed for the Wehrmacht's conduct in the Second World War. Although there was some pushback against Innere Führung among the charter generation of Bundeswehr officers, Innere Führung is still one of the major aspects of Bundeswehr military education and it was established in this period.
Naturally, concepts like Innere Führung and the popularization of the clean Wehrmacht myth as exemplified by the publication of von Manstein's Lost Victories, helped make FRG rearmament much more palatable for the West. Although the process was far from straightforward. Both the US and Western Europe initially favored that German rearmament would take places under the European Defense Community (EDC) which would need a much smaller German contingent than the one proposed by Adenauer. The French banked upon a the creation of a EDC as a means to resolve this dilemma. French Premier René Pleven proposed the EDC as a supranational European army which would be headed by a European defense minister in 1950. The Pleven Plan would call for German rearmament to be postponed and reduce Germany's influence by the EDC being an explicitly supranational entity. This was attractive to both Britain and France, but Adenauer refused to countenance any suggestion that Germany was not an equal and sovereign partner. The US tried to act as a mediator between these positions, proposing the Spofford Compromise in 1950 which would limit the FRG contribution to the FRG to 20% of the total force. This compromise became moot when the support for the EDC fell apart when the French parliament rejected the EDC treaty in August 1954. The FRG's entry into NATO in May 1955 became something of a fait accompli in lieu of any practical alternative. Washington under Eisenhower had backed the EDC as a means to expand Europe's defense commitment and render it more efficient than NATO. Eisenhower claimed that suprantional organizations like the EDC were a:
skeleton key, unlocking the solution to a number of problems at once, and most important, providing a type of "dual containment." The Soviet Union could be kept out, and Germany kept in Europe, but with neither able to dominate the Continent.
Although NATO lacked the broad and expansive supranational appeal of the EDC, it was suitable enough to act as such a "skeleton key" for public consumption. Heusinger's appointment to NATO as well as other signs of Bundeswehr participation in the defense system was a sign that the FRG had reformed and was acting as a responsible European partner in the defense against Communism.
The only really prominent vocal opposition to the postwar success of figures like Heusinger came from the Soviets and the GDR. The Eastern bloc press linked economic reorganization and rearmament with Adenauer's strident anti-communism as a sign that this was National Socialism in new clothing. Moscow sent two official notes during the initial soundings for rearmament in 1954, drawing connections between the FRG and "Hitlerite" policies, noting the "serious danger connected with the rebirth of militarism in West Germany and with the drawing of the latter into military groupings." The GDR's press was somewhat more shrill in its criticism of NATO membership. A 14 May article in Neues Deutschland, "Von Gehlen zu Globke," portrayed the formal incorporation of the FRG into NATO as part of a larger policy engineered by a triumvirate of Adenauer, Hans Speidel, and Hans Globke, drawing particular emphasis upon the latter two's connections to the Third Reich. Other GDR press reports emphasized the prominent presence of Wehrmacht veterans in key positions in the new Bundeswehr. The 14 September 1955 Neues Deutschland article entitled "Der SS-Staat," contends that SS veterans, many of whom were now eligible for pensions within the FRG, would find it easy to find a new position within the newly formed Bundeswher. Despite the pretensions of swearing allegiance to the FRG, SS men like Felix Steiner could easily find a place there because, "he knows that this state is from top to bottom in the hands of his ilk. And because he also knows that the militaristic authoritarian state needs him and his cronies."
How A Ex-Nazi Army Ended Up Defending West Germany
Here's What You Need To Remember: Tens of thousands of aging, poorly armed SS veterans might have been a nuisance to Soviet supply lines, but no more. Considering Soviet memories of German atrocities, one suspects that an insurgency led by ex-Nazis would have been dealt with swiftly and mercilessly.
If the Soviets had invaded West Germany in the early days of the Cold War, they would have found more than a hodgepodge of NATO troops waiting for them.
They would also have confronted a secret army of Hitler’s former soldiers, waiting to settle scores with the Communists. Considering the brutal, take-no-prisoners warfare on the Eastern Front in World War II, former German SS troopers fighting vengeful Red Army troops—again—would have been the height of savagery.
The German magazine Der Spiegel discovered a file buried for years in the archives of the BND, Germany’s spy agency. The documents reveal that in 1949, some 2,000 former officers of the SS and the Wehrmacht—the regular German military under the Third Reich—formed a secret paramilitary army that might have numbered as many as 40,000 fighters in the event of war.
The Allied occupation forces didn’t know about it. If they did, they would have discovered the involvement of several former Nazi generals who would later become senior commanders in the Bundeswehr, West Germany’s army.
The underground army was apparently supported by former Third Reich generals such as Hans Speidel, who became chief of NATO ground forces in Central Europe in 1957, and Adolf Heusinger, the first inspector general of the Bundeswehr.
Thus after losing millions of men to defeat Hitler, the Western Allies might have had to deal with an army of German war veterans backed by former Nazi senior officers who were rising stars in the West German military. Anti-communist or not, the existence of such an organization surely wouldn’t have reassured the survivors of Coventry and Oradour-Sur-Glane.
The secret army was the brainchild of Albert Schnez, a former Wehrmacht colonel who later became an official in the Bundeswehr. Along with other German war veterans just after the war, he worried what would happen if the Soviets invaded. West Germany had no army until 1955, and America demobilized much its own military in 1945, leaving Western Europe vulnerable to Soviet conquest.
Schnez wanted ready-made battle staffs, composed of combat-experienced officers, who would form the nucleus of combat divisions. He was convinced that if the Soviets attacked, legions of German war veterans—and there were no shortage of those after World War II—would have flocked to the colors.
They planned to wage war against the Soviets as guerrillas, perhaps operating from Spain or Switzerland.
The West German parliament also didn’t know about this secret army, but the German security service had its leader on its payroll. In 1951, Schnez approached the Gehlen Organization, as German intelligence was known at the time, to offer the services of his organization.
The timing was impeccable. The Korean War was raging, and U.S. and European leaders worried that the conflict was a Soviet diversion to draw off U.S. forces while the Soviets invaded Western Europe.
In a disturbing reminder of where the members of the secret army learned their trade, they spied on leftist West German politicians. Had West Germany gone to war with the Soviets, one wonders what would have happened to anybody the secret army deemed insufficiently anti-communist.
But how would this army have fared against a Soviet invasion?
Probably not well. The massive Soviet tank armies sweeping west to the Ruhr—or the English Channel—might just possibly have been contained by threadbare NATO forces, or more likely the threat of American nukes.
Tens of thousands of aging, poorly armed SS veterans might have been a nuisance to Soviet supply lines, but no more. Considering Soviet memories of German atrocities, one suspects that an insurgency led by ex-Nazis would have been dealt with swiftly and mercilessly.
It’s also remembering that Hitler had the same idea. With Allied and Soviet armies remorselessly closing in on Germany from west and east in 1944 and ’45, Hitler had an inspiration. The German people would rise up as guerrillas against the occupiers as they advanced into German territory.
The “Werewolves” were supposed to strike terror in the hearts of Germany’s enemies. Indeed, the Allies feared a Nazi guerrilla war. Instead, the Werewolves merely proved that after six years of war, the German people were tired, hungry and bombed out.
They just wanted the war to end, even in defeat.
Perhaps the secret army would have discovered that the German people preferred being Red to being dead.
World War II Database
ww2dbase Adolf Heusinger was born in Holzminden, Brunswick, German Empire. On 17 Jun 1915, he joined the German Army and was assigned to the infantry regiment 7. Thüringisches Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 96. He was promoted to the rank of Fähnrich (a non-commissioned officer rank) on 31 Mar 1916. On 4 Jul 1916, he was commissioned a Leutnant. During WW1, he was wounded several times in combat, and was captured by the British on 31 Jul 1917. He received several awards during WW1, including the Iron Cross medal. After the war, he remained in the German military. In Apr 1925, he was promoted to the rank of Oberleutnant (upper lieutenant). In Oct 1931, he was assigned to the operations staff of the Troop Office in the War Ministry. In Oct 1932, he was promoted to the rank of Hauptmann (captain). In Oct 1935, he was named the chief operations officer of the German 11th Division. In Mar 1936, he was promoted to the rank of Major. In Aug 1937, he was assigned to the operations staff of the Army General Staff. In Apr 1939, he was promoted to the rank of Oberstleutnant (lieutenant colonel).
ww2dbase During the European War, Heusinger played a role in the planning of the invasion of Poland, Denmark, Norway, France, and the Low Countries. He was promoted to the rank of Oberst (colonel) on 1 Aug 1940. On 15 Oct 1940, he became the chief of the operations staff of the Army General Staff. On 1 Jan 1942, he was promoted to the rank of Generalmajor, followed by the promotion to Generalleutnant exactly one year later. On 10 Jun 1944, he was named the Acting Chief of the Army General Staff as General Kurt Zeitzler became ill. In this capacity, he was in the same meeting room as Adolf Hitler on 20 Jul 1944 when the bomb planted by Claus von Stauffenberg exploded. Wounded, he was hospitalized briefly. He was subsequently arrested by the Gestapo in connection to some of the July Plot conspirators, but he was eventually freed in Oct 1944 due to lack of evidence. He was kept on reserve, however, for nearly the rest of the war due to the government's distrust. On 25 Mar 1945, he was named the chief of the cartography section of the German Army.
ww2dbase Heusinger was arrested by the Western Allies immediately after the end of the European War and remain imprisoned until 1947. He testified during the Nuremberg Trials. In 1950, he became a military advisor to Chancellor of West Germany Konrad Adenauer. In 1955, when the new German military Bundeswehr was established, he was given the rank of Generalleutnant and the responsibility of the chairman of the Militärischer Führungsrat (Military Leadership Council). Between Jun 1957 and Mar 1961, he served as the first Inspector General of the Bundeswehr at the rank of General. In Apr 1961, he was appointed the Chairman of the NATO Military Committee in Washington, DC, United States. He retired from service in 1964. He passed away in Cologne, Germany in 1982.
ww2dbase Source: Wikipedia.
Last Major Revision: Jun 2010
Adolf Heusinger Interactive Map
Adolf Heusinger Timeline
|4 Aug 1897||Adolf Heusinger was born.|
|30 Nov 1982||Adolf Heusinger passed away.|
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- (1914) 1st and 2nd Class 1918 in Black (1939) 1st and 2nd Class
- Princely Reuss Honour Cross 3rd Class with Swords
- Princely Reuss Silver Merit Medal with Swords 2nd Class (Brunswick) (World War I service medal) in silver (1939), 1st and 2nd Class with Swords , 2nd Class
- Commanders of the United States Legion of Merit
- Commander's Cross of the Order of the Crown of Italy
- Commander's Cross of the Order of Merit of Hungary
- ↑ Until 1945, the German Army general officer ranks of major-general and lieutenant-general were equivalent to one-star (brigadier or brigadier general) and two-star (major general) ranks, respectively.
- ↑ Wiegrefe, Klaus, "Files Uncovered: Nazi veterans Created Illegal Army", Spiegel Online, 14 May 2014
- ↑ This was actually a promotion from his Wehrmacht rank of Generalleutnant. Until 1945, the German Army general officer ranks of Generalmajor (major-general) and Generalleutnant (lieutenant-general) were equivalent to one-star (brigadier or brigadier general) and two-star (major general) ranks, respectively. The Bundeswehr uses a NATO-standardized rank structure, with addition of the one-star rank of Brigadegeneral and Generalleutnant the equivalent to three-star rank in the British and American armies.
- ↑Украинский институт национальной памяти Историческая справка (in Russian). Kuban-Ukraine.org . Retrieved 21 September 2012 . CS1 maint: unrecognized language (link) <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
4.08.1897 – German General 1.12.1982, the organizer of the German Bundeswehr.
From 1940 to 1944 in senior positions in Bundeswehra, head of German land troops operating departament.
In the years of 1945-48 in U.S. captivity.
From 1951 years military adviser to the government of West Germany
From 1955 Chairman of the Supreme Military Council in the Ministry of Defence. From 1957-61 General inspector of the Bundeswehr.
Heusinger (left) 1955
Adolf Heusinger ok 1960
Adolf Heusinger - NATO - Pentagon - 1964
Find our more about Wolfsschanze:
Welcome to the Former War Headquarters of Adolf Hitler “Wolfsschanze” – in the concrete town of bunkers in the woods in Gierloz near Ketrzyn. During the war, here were made the most important decisions of German war machine. Hence the Barbarossa operation was supervised, and it was here that the bold, though unsuccessful attempt on the life of the Fuhrer, carried out by Claus Shenk von Stauffenberg, took place.