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John Doherty

John Doherty


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John Doherty was born at Inishowel, County Donegal in 1798. He received very little formal education and at the age of ten went to work at the Buncrana cotton mill. Later he moved to Larne near Belfast where he found work as a cotton spinner. At the age of eighteen Doherty left Ireland to seek better pay and conditions in England.

In 1816 Doherty found work in a textile factory in Manchester. Doherty joined the Manchester Spinners' Union and in 1818 took part in a strike for higher wages. During the strike Doherty was arrested while picketing and charged with assault. He was found guilty and sentenced to two years' hard labour. Doherty, who was completely innocent of the charge, was radicalised by this experience. After he was released from Lancaster Castle in 1821 he became involved in a wide variety of different political campaigns. This included attempts to repeal the Combination Acts and the Corn Laws. Doherty also became friendly with Henry Hunt and the two men often spoke at several meetings demanding universal suffrage.

John Doherty, who married Laura, a milliner, in 1821, continued to work in the textile industry in Manchester. In 1828 he stood for the post as the leader of the Manchester Spinners' Union. Doherty's radical political views and his Irish Catholicism meant that he was unpopular with some of the workers but he still managed to win the election. Doherty was a passionate opponent of child labour and persuaded his union to campaign for factory reform. In 1828 Doherty was the main figure behind the formation of the Society for the Protection of Children Employed in Cotton Factories. Doherty's organisation attempted to secure enforcement of existing legislation and the enactment of new factory laws. The organisation continued until 1831 when it changed its name to the Manchester Short Time Committee.

In April 1829 textile factory owners began imposing wage reductions on their workers. In an attempt to persuade the employers to change their minds, members of the Manchester Spinners's Union went on strike. The strike lasted for six months but in October the spinners, facing starvation, were forced to accept the lower wages being offered by the factory owners.

John Doherty realised that it was very difficult for local unions to win industrial disputes so he organised a meeting of spinners from all over Britain. The result of the meeting was the formation of the Grand General Union of Operative Spinners of the United Kingdom. A few weeks later, Doherty called a meeting of Manchester trade unionists and it was decided to form a General Union of Trades. The purpose of the organisation was to give support to fellow trade unionists involved in industrial disputes. In March, 1830, the organisation started publication of the United Trades' Co-operative Journal. Doherty, who was editor, attempted to use the journal as a means of communicating information to fellow trade unionists. The government was worried about this new development and in October, 1830 forced Doherty to stop publishing the journal.

Doherty's next venture was the formation of the National Association for the Protection of Labour. Within a few months twenty different trades joined Doherty's organisation. At first it mainly involved workers from Lancashire but by the end of 1830 it spread to the Midlands and Staffordshire and had a membership of over 100,000 people.

In March 1832, Doherty opened a small print shop and bookstore in Manchester. The following year he expanded the business and including a coffee-house where ninety-six newspapers, including Doherty's own Voice of the People, could be read. Rev. Gilpin, a local clergyman objected to some of the articles included in the newspaper and as a result Doherty was sent to prison in 1832.

After Doherty was released from prison he joined Richard Oastler and Michael Sadler in their campaign for the Ten Hours Bill. Doherty helped form the Manchester Short Time Committee and began publishing a new journal, The Poor Man's Advocate. In 1832 Doherty published a book on the factory experiences of Robert Blincoe.

Disappointed by the 1833 Factory Act, Doherty joined Robert Owen, and John Fielden to form the Society for Promoting National Regeneration. The main objective of the organisation was an eight-hour day for all workers. In 1839 John Doherty met Frances Trollope and provided her with a considerable amount of information that later appeared in her novel Michael Armstrong: Factory Boy.

John Doherty continued to work for social and political reform until his death on 14th April, 1854.

Fellow Workers. The fearful change, which the workings of the last few years have produced in the condition of every class of labourer, summons you to a serious investigation of the cause. Your power as regards the operations of society is omnipotent. You are the great lever by which everything is effected. Let British operatives become firm and united and their unanimous voice of complaint will command respect.

Mr. Oastler is a Tory in politics but when we ask, will any of your boasting "liberals" or professing Whigs contribute a tithe of service which Mr. Oastler has rendered to the cause of suffering humanity.

Nearly all of them, men a little raised above the position of the factory hands, to the righting of whose wrongs they devoted their lives. They had been at some period of their lives, in almost every case, factory workers themselves, but had by various circumstances, native talent, industry and energy managed to raise themselves out of the slough of despond in which their fellows were overwhelmed. John Doherty came to dine but his excitement in talking was so great and continuous that he could eat next to nothing.


John Doherty (pitcher)

John Harold Doherty (born June 11, 1967) is an American former professional baseball pitcher. He played in Major League Baseball (MLB) for the Detroit Tigers and Boston Red Sox.

A 1985 graduate of Eastchester High School in Eastchester, New York, Doherty was selected by the Detroit Tigers in the 1989 Major League Baseball draft out of Concordia College in New York. He reached the majors in 1992 with the Tigers, spending four years with them before moving to the Boston Red Sox (1996). In his rookie year, he went 7–4 with a 3.88 ERA and 11 starts. His most productive season came in 1993, when he recorded 14 wins with 63 strikeouts and three complete games in 184⅔ innings – all career-numbers. After a subpar 1994 season, he was relegated to the bullpen. He also made three relief appearances for Boston in 1996, his last major league season.

In a five-season career, Doherty posted a 32–31 record with 177 strikeouts and a 4.87 ERA in 148 appearances, including 61 starts, five complete games, two shutouts, nine saves, and 523⅓ innings of work.


Mama Cass Elliot was not allowed to join the band at first because of her weight

The drama started for the Mamas & the Papas before they were even a group. John, who&aposd left his first wife to marry Michelle, was ready for the couple to sing with tenor Denny Doherty. But John objected when Elliot, another figure in New York City&aposs music scene, wanted in as well.

Elliot&aposs voice wasn&apost a problem, as she had a standout contralto. She was also fun to be around. However, John felt her being overweight would turn off audiences. According to Rolling Stone, Elliot was only allowed to sing with the other three after she&aposd followed them around, including to the Virgin Islands (the four did travel there, but Elliot&aposs sister has suggested this version of the story may have been skewed due to John&aposs jealousy that Elliot became the breakout star of the group).

According to Elliot, her trip to the islands was significant in another way: It left her with an expanded vocal range for the beautiful harmonies John composed. "I did get hit on the head by a pipe that fell down and my range was increased by three notes." Elliot told Rolling Stone in 1968. "I had a bad headache for about two weeks and all of a sudden I was singing higher. It’s true." The group headed to California and signed to a record label in 1965.

The Mamas & the Papas in 1967

Photo: Wilson/Mirrorpix/Getty Images


About the Author

John Doherty

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Historical & Archaeological Descriptions of Elagh

Elagh Castle was perched atop a mound-like outcrop of Dalradian schist that stood preeminently above the surrounding countryside commanding good views to the east and west, as well as southward toward Derry and the historic bogs which marked the southern border of Inishowen. The oval-shaped prominence of bedrock upon which the stronghold was situated rises roughly 10 feet above the nearby terrain and measures approximately 80 feet north-to-south and 115 feet east-to-west.

During summer 2013, a large community archaeological dig was carried out at Elagh under the oversight of Queen's University Belfast&rsquos Center for Archaeological Fieldwork. Archaeological excavations revealed that Elagh was at one point enclosed by a ditch and stone-faced bank which extended a considerable distance from the castle and is believed to date from the early medieval period. There is evidence of an even earlier enclosure in the form of holes from posts and stakes that were buried beneath the earthen bank. This, along with various artifacts uncovered reveal that the site at Elagh dates to a much earlier time than previously imagined and is one of the main arguments for its re-association with historic Aileach.

The excavation also uncovered traces of ancient walls, paved areas with stones which may have been part of another structure, and evidence of a defensive bawn wall. The report from the archaeologists indicated the bawn wall or what &ldquoseems to be a very large early Medieval enclosure around Elagh Castle matches well the &lsquothe hero&rsquos rath. &rsquo mentioned in the Metrical Dindshenchas&rdquo. Finally, masonry found in one trench agrees with the 17th century letter of Sir Thomas Ridgeway mentioning the &ldquoextraordinary thickness of wall and bawn&rdquo around Elagh.

Today, the only prominent remains of the once-imposing fortress are the ruins of a tower roughly 20 feet wide, 6 feet thick, and 26 feet high with hints suggesting battlements, a staircase, and attached structures. Some scholars interpret the architecture of what little remains to suggest the tower was one of a twin set of English-style &ldquoD&rdquo shaped towers between which was the gatehouse. This architectural interpretation seems to fit with the political landscape of the time and the site&rsquos association with the Ui Neill&mdashsuggesting Elagh may have been the prototype for Harry Avery's Castle.

Ó Huiginn&rsquos poem, referenced earlier, says Elagh had a &ldquolabyrinthine (?) four-towered court.&rdquo This agrees with Ashby&rsquos Map from circa 1600 which contains a drawing of Elagh showing a large two-story keep enclosed by curtain wall or bawn with four semi-circular towers projecting from two sides of the bawn. The maps indicate there were earthenworks just outside the bawn and a wooded area. Ashby's map and King James&rsquo Irish Patent Rolls indicate that there was a paved roadway or "causey" approaching Elagh Castle. Being as this was the seat of Ó Dochartaigh rule and well as of the Ui Neill, it's sad that there is so little remaining of the structure.


DOHERTY, John (1785-1850), of Stephen's Green, Dublin.

Commr. inquiry into fees of cts. of justice [I] 1818-23 KC [I] 1823 solicitor-gen. [I] July 1827-Dec. 1830 bencher, King&rsquos Inns 1828 l.c.j.c.p. [I] 1830-d.

Biography

Doherty&rsquos father, a Dublin attorney, was dead by the time he was admitted to King&rsquos Inns in 1803. During his time as a student at the Middle Temple he heard Fox address the Commons in support of Catholic relief, 13 May 1805 - or so he claimed in the House, 8 May 1828 it was a cause which he himself consistently espoused. On his call to the Irish bar &lsquoLong Jack&rsquo Doherty (he was strikingly tall) went the Leinster circuit. Having decided to make himself an expert in court practice (he was never an erudite lawyer) he did well, and built up an extensive general business. An Irish commentator later wrote of him:

As a gentleman barrister of the old school, fluent, plausible and charming, he moved easily in Dublin society, where he was a popular figure:

Doherty was related through his mother to George Canning*, a member of Lord Liverpool&rsquos cabinet, though the precise family link has not been identified.2 It was, however, with no particular zeal that Canning endorsed Doherty&rsquos application, made originally through Lord Harrowby, lord president of the council, whom he had met on a recent visit to Dublin, for appointment as one of the commissioners of inquiry into the emoluments of officials of the Irish law courts when a vacancy was expected early in 1818. Canning, unable to vouch first hand for Doherty&rsquos professional merits, testified that &lsquohis private character is not only irreproachable, but highly meritorious&rsquo.3 The Irish secretary Robert Peel* decided to appoint Doherty, who was unctuously grateful, though he apparently made an unsuccessful bid to safeguard his interests on the circuit by obtaining special treatment.4 He took up the post in May 1818 and was involved in the production of the commission&rsquos sixth to eleventh reports (Dec. 1818-May 1822).5 In December 1821 he asked Canning (now out of office) to use his influence with Lord Wellesley, the Irish viceroy, to secure him legal promotion, but Canning could not oblige him. Nor could he do so (as foreign secretary) in May 1823, when Doherty pleaded for an escape &lsquofrom my present laborious and painfully invidious place&rsquo. At the end of the year, having taken silk, he pleaded pressure of legal business and impaired health as his reasons for resigning the post.6 Thereafter he was regularly retained as a crown prosecutor.

In late February 1824 Doherty informed Canning that he was to be was returned on the Leigh interest for New Ross, where his nephew John Carroll had sat briefly earlier in the Parliament. He preferred to postpone taking his seat until after the spring circuit, but he assured Canning that &lsquoif . any question should arise on which you think that my services could be in any degree useful, I beg you may not hesitate to command . [my] attendance&rsquo. Canning congratulated Doherty on his &lsquosuccess&rsquo, and &lsquomyself on such an acquisition to the House of Commons&rsquo.7 His maiden speech, 11 May, was in a discussion arising out of a petition from a victim of an alleged miscarriage of justice in Ireland. Doherty, insisting that the legal system was &lsquounder the superintendence of a body of great and good men, who acted with integrity and impartiality&rsquo, claimed, implausibly, that in nearly 17 years of practice

Doherty, who was named to the select committee on Irish disturbances, 11 May, presented a New Ross petition for Catholic relief, 25 May. He defended the Dublin magistrates&rsquo indemnity bill, 5 June, and voted with government against Brougham&rsquos condemnation of the trial of the Methodist missionary John Smith in Demerara, 11 June 1824. In August 1824, when he was in Ireland for the Kilkenny assizes, he offered to look into some problems with the tenants on Canning&rsquos property there. Canning gratefully accepted, and also picked Doherty&rsquos brains about the talents and character of the highly rated Irish barrister John Henry North, who had flopped in the last session as the new Member for Plympton Erle.8 Doherty voted for the usury laws repeal bill, 8 Feb. 1825. He spoke at some length in support of the Irish unlawful societies bill, 11 Feb., when he emphasized his sincere support for Catholic claims, but uncompromisingly denounced the Catholic Association, whose activities were &lsquoutterly inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution&rsquo. He was publicly attacked in Ireland by Maurice O&rsquoConnell* and Daniel O&rsquoConnell*, on his way to London to muster support for the Catholic cause, referred slightingly to the &lsquovirulent speech&rsquo of &lsquothat long blockhead&rsquo.9 He was appointed to the renewed committee on Irish disorder, 17 Feb. After being condemned in the House as the apologist for abuse and partiality in the Irish judicial system, Doherty made a spirited and detailed reply, 25 Feb. Disclaiming &lsquothe zeal, and warmth, and prejudice of the advocate&rsquo, he reviewed the process whereby he had &lsquobecome, more by accident than either by election or delegation, what I feel myself now in some measure voted to be, the champion of the purity of the administration of justice in Ireland&rsquo he was enthusiastically cheered. He voted for the third reading of the suppression bill later that day. As one of the &lsquoIrish friendly Members&rsquo, in O&rsquoConnell&rsquos words, he divided silently for Catholic relief, 1 Mar., 21 Apr., 10 May, when, in Canning&rsquos absence, he presented a Galway Protestants&rsquo petition in its favour and argued that most responsible Irish Protestants were of like mind. He supported the Liverpool and Manchester railway bill, 2 Mar. He presented a New Ross landowners&rsquo petition against alteration of the butter duties, 12 May 1825.10 There is no trace of parliamentary activity by Doherty in 1826, although he informed Canning from Dublin that he planned to &lsquobe in the House . on the 16th of February&rsquo, or earlier if required.11 At the general election of that year he stood for the predominantly Catholic city of Kilkenny on the interest of the 1st marquess of Ormonde. Though opposed by a supporter of the Catholic Association, whose campaign organizers legally disputed every vote, and personally attacked elsewhere in the county by O&rsquoConnell, Doherty had a comfortable victory. The subsequent petition against him was unsuccessful.12 In October 1826 he complained to Canning that his appointment to an unspecified legal office, which he claimed had been promised to him by the lord lieutenant that summer, had been delayed.13

Doherty voted for Catholic relief, 6 Mar. 1827, when he was given six weeks&rsquo leave to go the circuit. On the formation of Canning&rsquos ministry he was regarded as a candidate for the office of Irish solicitor-general and Canning indeed selected him, informing Wellesley that his being already in the House had given him the edge over &lsquomany worthy competitors&rsquo. O&rsquoConnell considered the appointment of Doherty, as a pro-Catholic, the only &lsquosingle movement in Ireland favourable to an alteration in the system&rsquo, and said that it &lsquocertainly gave great satisfaction&rsquo, a view confirmed by Lord Lansdowne on the strength of reports from Ireland.14 A hitch occurred when Lord Manners, the Irish chancellor, an unrepentant anti-Catholic, tried to veto Doherty&rsquos elevation which, as Canning told Wellesley, he condemned &lsquoas an affront to the whole profession&rsquo:

At the same time, Canning wished Manners to be pacified, though not indulged, by being consulted &lsquoat large upon the proper selection&rsquo. Wellesley&rsquos scheme for a more extensive reshuffle, which would have made the anti-Catholics Joy and Lefroy chief baron and attorney-general respectively, while keeping Doherty as solicitor, foundered on chief baron O&rsquoGrady&rsquos refusal to resign except on conditions which government found unacceptable. It would not in any case have propitiated Manners, who repeated to Wellesley &lsquoin the most distinct terms&rsquo his objections to Doherty&rsquos appointment

When William Lamb, the new Irish secretary, arrived in Dublin in the first week of July, he reported to Canning that Manners &lsquofeels he has gone too far, but [that] it is now too late for him to retreat&rsquo, and that Doherty himself, who had recently written to Canning pressing the claims of a friend of O&rsquoConnell to legal promotion, was &lsquonaturally annoyed&rsquo. Perceiving Manners&rsquos weakening resolve, Lamb gave him the chance to back down with &lsquoa good grace&rsquo and on 21 July 1827 he swore in Doherty, who wrote to Canning that the chancellor had

Canning assured him in reply that there had never been any question of his being sacrificed to the bigotry of those &lsquoof both persuasions who would have been glad to stir up a controversy&rsquo.16

As the session had ended three weeks after Doherty&rsquos formal appointment, his re-election was delayed until Parliament met again. In the interim, he remained in office under Lord Goderich, adding his own testimony to the anxiety felt by Irish pro-Catholics that Lord Lansdowne should not resign.17 He retained his place in the duke of Wellington&rsquos ministry, and in February 1828 sought re-election for Kilkenny, where he was challenged by his opponent of 1826. Attacked on the hustings for putting himself &lsquounder the control&rsquo of the anti-Catholic Peel, the home secretary, he reaffirmed his attachment to the principles of Canning, whom he eulogized. He was an easy winner of the ensuing contest.18 He apparently added to his income by taking over ex-officio responsibility for excise prosecutions in a new arrangement of that business.19 He soon became the favourite and the trusted henchman of the new lord lieutenant, Lord Anglesey, who to Peel praised his &lsquovery able&rsquo management of the prosecutions of conspirators at Clonmel assizes in April. Doherty took his seat, 29 Apr. 1828. Soon afterwards Anglesey sent him a letter of introduction to the Whig Lord Holland, who had expressed a wish to meet him:

He made his first speech on Catholic relief in the Commons in support of Burdett&rsquos motion, 8 May 1828, when he urged that the question, essential as its settlement was to the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland, should be &lsquoset at rest&rsquo by &lsquoacceding to the just demands&rsquo of Catholics. Lord Seaford, who was in the gallery, deemed it &lsquoa very good speech, in a very good style, very good temper and very good taste, and (which is a rare merit in a lawyer) very agreeable to listen to&rsquo.21 He was in the favourable majority, 12 May. He approved the principle of Davies&rsquos bill to curb the duration and expense of borough polls, 15 May, and called for its extension to Ireland. On the resignation of Huskisson from the ministry Doherty also told Lamb, who also went out, that he &lsquowill pause before he resigns&rsquo. He did not do so, to the immense relief of Anglesey, who described him as &lsquothe man whose views are more in unison with mine than any other I have met with&rsquo. He explained to Anglesey that he had briefly considered resignation, but had concluded after the Huskissonites&rsquo public explanations that their &lsquoretirement has not been on any public or political principle or that I am in any manner so connected with the parties involved as to render it necessary for me to resign&rsquo.22 He opposed Grattan&rsquos amendments to the Irish malicious injuries bill, 16 June, arguing that the existing law afforded adequate protection to Catholic chapels and clergy Grattan wondered, in a letter to O&rsquoConnell, whether this line would be &lsquothought good law . in the Orange North&rsquo.23 Doherty voted for Poulett Thomson&rsquos usury laws amendment bill 19 June 1828. On a visit to Ireland towards the close of the year Lord Palmerston*, a seceder in June, was told by Doherty that the Irish government

Doherty gave &lsquovaluable assistance&rsquo to Peel in drafting the bills to suppress the Catholic Association, implement Catholic emancipation and adjust the Irish franchise, and attended cabinet meetings on this legislation.25 In debate on the suppression bill, 10 Feb. 1829, he answered Ultra criticism of ministers&rsquo change of heart, and delivered a &lsquoeulogium on Canning&rsquo: for Lord Sandon* it was &lsquojust what one had been wishing for, and in a servant of the present government it was particularly handsome&rsquo while George Agar Ellis* thought the speech &lsquoadmirable&rsquo.26 Doherty voted for emancipation, 6, 30 Mar. On 13 Mar. he suggested that the number of hostile petitions emanating from the lower orders of Dublin merely strengthened the case for settling the issue and three days later he presented and set great store by petitions from Irish Catholic and Protestant barristers in favour of emancipation, which he said would be &lsquoeminently successful in tranquillizing Ireland&rsquo. He defended the Irish franchise bill, 19 Mar., when he did &lsquowell&rsquo according to the Whig Member Lord Howick, 26 Mar.,27 and refused to be drawn by an Ultra&rsquos allegation that Catholic bishops could not legally exist in England, 9 Apr. He saw no need for government to interfere to prevent abuses in the appointment of Irish sub-sheriffs, 14 Apr. He spoke against O&rsquoConnell being allowed to take his seat without swearing the oath of supremacy, 18 May. He was a teller for the majority in the division, as he was against adjournment of the debate on the ecclesiastical courts bill, 21 May 1829.

Doherty was reported to be &lsquomuch alarmed&rsquo at &lsquothe state of things&rsquo in Ireland in late July 1829.28 Soon afterwards John Leslie Foster* laid claim to succeed James McClelland as a puisne baron of exchequer. Peel and Wellington had no objection provided the arrangement could &lsquobe made without giving just cause of dissatisfaction to Doherty&rsquo. Asking Lord Francis Leveson Gower, the Irish secretary, to sound him, Peel observed:

Leveson Gower consulted Doherty on his return to Dublin, &lsquolooking dreadfully ill and exhausted&rsquo, from a trial at Roscommon, and found him quite prepared to acquiesce in Foster&rsquos promotion:

Later in August 1829 Doherty acted for the crown in the prosecution at Clonmel assizes of four Protestant policemen accused of murdering a number of Catholics by opening fire during disturbances at Borrisokane, Tipperary in June. He made it plain from the start that his sympathies lay with the accused, whom he believed to have acted under provocation and, to the fury of O&rsquoConnell and the nationalists, all four were acquitted by the Protestant jury.30 Henry Greville reported that Doherty had conducted the trial &lsquowith consummate skill&rsquo while Peel, writing to Leveson Gower, commented that

For his own part Doherty, who felt that he had been placed in a &lsquofalse position&rsquo, claimed that there had been &lsquoa deliberate attempt to swear away the lives of innocent men by an artfully concocted story&rsquo, and that he had resisted enormous pressure from the policemen&rsquos enemies to

He deplored &lsquothe continuance of a savage and bigoted feeling notwithstanding the passage of the relief bill&rsquo, and urged Leveson Gower to encourage government to give the Irish police their &lsquocountenance and protection&rsquo by increasing their numbers. After gauging the state of feeling on arrival in Clonmel, he had taken the precaution of having full shorthand notes of the trial taken, which he thought would come in useful, possibly in the form of a pamphlet, to help him meet the parliamentary inquiry into his conduct threatened by O&rsquoConnell and Robert Otway Cave. Soon afterwards, at the civil action of Byng against Callaghan at Cork, when Doherty agreed to settle at the request of Callaghan&rsquos counsel, he was approached by O&rsquoConnell, retained on the same side, who, &lsquoin violation of every feeling which should restrain a lawyer and a gentleman, muttered that my conduct in that case was like my proceeding in Clonmel, a mere humbug&rsquo. O&rsquoConnell&rsquos view was that Doherty had &lsquobotched&rsquo and made &lsquoa special bad hand&rsquo of the Byng case, as was only to be expected as a result of &lsquoemploying great geese&rsquo.32 Their mutual antipathy was intensified in late October 1829 by O&rsquoConnell&rsquos dramatic intervention in the trials of the Doneraile conspirators at a special commission in Cork. Doherty, prosecuting with what seemed excessive vigour, secured the capital conviction of the first four accused. Leveson Gower was delighted to report that the case had been &lsquoadmirably as usual conducted by Doherty&rsquo but when O&rsquoConnell appeared on behalf of the remaining prisoners, his brilliant cross-examination exposed the contradictory nature of the evidence of the prosecution witnesses, while he personally humiliated and ridiculed Doherty and showed up his professional shortcomings. The first batch of men defended by O&rsquoConnell were discharged when the jury failed to agree, and subsequent ones were acquitted. Charges were dropped against the remainder, and the sentences on the first four were commuted to transportation. O&rsquoConnell, carried away by his triumph, repeatedly and vituperatively denounced Doherty at public meetings, orchestrated a press campaign against him, and threatened to bring impeachment proceedings against him for his conduct of the Borrisokane and Doneraile trials.33

Doherty (who was said by the Whig Thomas Spring Rice* to be &lsquomuch the worse for wear since the special commission at Cork&rsquo)34 voted against the transfer of East Retford&rsquos seats to Birmingham, 11 Feb., Lord Blandford&rsquos parliamentary reform scheme, 18 Feb., and the enfranchisement of Birmingham, Leeds and Manchester, 23 Feb. 1830. He had a hit at O&rsquoConnell when defending the bill to amend the Irish Subletting Act, 16 Feb., dismissing his arguments for repeal and deploring his demagogic activities Lord Althorp rebuked him for &lsquoreviving in the House disputes which had occurred elsewhere&rsquo.35 Yet he acquiesced in O&rsquoConnell&rsquos request for a fortnight&rsquos delay to the committee stage, 5 Mar. On 29 Apr. he challenged O&rsquoConnell to bring on his much vaunted motion for repeal of the Union and, on a personal note, demanded to know when he intended to carry out the threat to arraign his professional conduct. When O&rsquoConnell blustered and prevaricated Doherty, who, according to John Hobhouse*, had at the start of the session predicted that O&rsquoConnell would &lsquoturn out nothing&rsquo in the Commons, pressed home his advantage.36 He expressed mock surprise that Warburton and his radical cronies should question the efficiency of the rocket corps on account of its smallness, 30 Apr: he &lsquobelongs to a small body which makes up, by the frequency of its attacks, for its numerical deficiency&rsquo. When O&rsquoConnell moved for a return of people killed by armed policemen in Ireland, 4 May, Doherty denied his allegation that the standard response to trouble was &lsquoto put the people to death without scruple&rsquo and taunted him with his failure to substantiate the personal charges against him. He did so again, 10 May, when O&rsquoConnell, goaded into action, gave notice of motions on the subject.37 The following night Doherty opposed O&rsquoConnell&rsquos motion for production of a copy of the inquest on a person killed by a policeman, who had been acquitted, as &lsquocontrary both to principle and precedent&rsquo: if conceded it would make the House a court of appeal from criminal trials. Anticipating O&rsquoConnell&rsquos motion of 12 May for the return of the depositions of prosecution witnesses in the Doneraile trials, he accused him of &lsquopreparing the bridge by which he intended to escape&rsquo: his plan was &lsquoby two steps, to secure himself a safe retreat, the first of which was to move for documents which could not be granted and then to say he could not go on, because he did not get them&rsquo. Planta, the patronage secretary, assured Peel that on both these occasions O&rsquoConnell &lsquohas sunk immeasurably low, and Doherty has done himself great credit&rsquo.38 Doherty extracted his full measure of revenge for his Doneraile humiliation when, on O&rsquoConnell&rsquos motion for papers, 12 May, he &lsquooperated on&rsquo his adversary for two and a half hours, giving him one of the severest verbal lashings, coldly polite but scathingly venomous, ever administered by one Member to another.39 O&rsquoConnell deferred his notice of a motion on the Borrisokane affair and, after initial prevarication, 18 May, informed Doherty that he did not intend to proceed with it, 7 June. They had civil exchanges on O&rsquoConnell&rsquos renewed call for the production of returns of fatalities in affrays with the police, 19, 20 May, when O&rsquoConnell accepted an amendment proposed by Doherty, who professed anxiety for full consideration of the subject, though he remained convinced that &lsquosuch a force, armed as it now is, is absolutely necessary to maintain good order&rsquo.

Doherty voted against Jewish emancipation, 17 May, and was in the ministerial minorities against the Galway franchise bill, 24, 25 May 1830. On that day he regretfully endorsed the dismissal of his friend Sir Jonah Barrington from the Irish bench, as &lsquojust and necessary&rsquo. He made light of objections to the Scottish and Irish paupers removal bill, 4 June. He divided with his ministerial colleagues for the grant for South American missions and voted against abolition of the death penalty for forgery, 7 June. On 24 June, after defending the Subletting Act amendment bill, he attacked O&rsquoConnell for his recent letter &lsquoto the lower orders of Ireland&rsquo calling for a run on the banks in Munster:

He likened O&rsquoConnell to a crazed actor who shouted &lsquofire&rsquo in a crowded theatre in an attempt to ruin the proprietor because they did not get on. Having just returned from Ireland, he spoke of the

O&rsquoConnell privately admitted that Doherty&rsquos &lsquofoolish&rsquo tirade had been &lsquocheered&rsquo, but reckoned that he had given as good as he got in reply, by &lsquolaughingly&rsquo landing &lsquosome wicked hits upon his ignorance, dexterity, etc&rsquo. The former Tory minister William Vesey Fitzgerald* observed to Peel that &lsquoDoherty seems to me to be the only man who has the courage to stand up to O&rsquoConnell&rsquo.40 Doherty defended the Irish arms bill, 3 July persuaded O&rsquoConnell to drop his petition for senior proctors of the Irish prerogative court to be allowed to take apprentices, 6 July spoke against opposition calls for provision for a regency the same day, and voted for the administration of justice bill, 7 July 1830. At the general election he made no attempt to come in again for Kilkenny, where the hostility to him was now intense, and was accommodated at Newport by the duke of Northumberland, the Irish viceroy.41

When O&rsquoConnell renewed his motion for a return of casualties in incidents with the police, 5 Nov. 1830, Doherty cast doubt on whether they could be ascertained, and was promptly accused of callous indifference. He asked Spring Rice not to press government to rush into legislation on the complex problem of abuses in the office of sheriff in Irish towns, 8 Nov. On O&rsquoConnell&rsquos presentation of a petition for repeal of the Union the following day, Doherty challenged him to raise the issue directly, but O&rsquoConnell would not commit himself. Doherty forcefully opposed O&rsquoConnell&rsquos motion for repeal of the Subletting Act, 11 Nov., and was a teller for the hostile majority in the division. Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Irish secretary, suggested to Ellenborough that Doherty might usefully be made chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster if Wellington could be prevailed on to shift Charles Arbuthnot* but they thought this most unlikely.42 He was included in the government minority on the civil list, 15 Nov., but it was indicated in a letter to The Times of 22 Nov. that he had paired on their side. O&rsquoConnell had flattered himself in June that if there was a change of government Doherty would &lsquoget notice to quit&rsquo but the Grey ministry, who reappointed Anglesey as Irish viceroy, showed no disposition to remove him.43 When O&rsquoConnell presented another repeal petition, 19 Nov., Doherty accused him of &lsquowhispering away character&rsquo by circulating false stories of mass evictions on Lord Fitzwilliam&rsquos Irish estates. O&rsquoConnell, who told his wife that his subsequent &lsquodressing&rsquo of Doherty was not reported, protested to Anglesey at &lsquothe most wanton assault made on me . by the gentleman who is understood to be your solicitor-general for Ireland&rsquo. He threatened to refuse all co-operation with the new Irish government, though he subsequently modified his tone in response to a conciliatory letter from Anglesey. By 24 Nov. O&rsquoConnell had reason to believe that Doherty was not to be kept on as solicitor and a week later was even hopeful that he &lsquowill not get any situation&rsquo.44 According to his own later account, Doherty declined Lord Grey&rsquos offer of the Irish attorney-generalship, &lsquonot wishing to accept political office from that party&rsquo.45 On 4 Dec. Anglesey informed Lord Melbourne, the home secretary:

In the final arrangement, Joy became chief baron of the exchequer and Doherty lord chief justice of the common pleas. His appointment provoked cries of outrage among the Irish nationalists. O&rsquoConnell was furious, taking it as a personal insult but Anglesey, who was running out of patience with him, explained the irony of the situation to Holland, 11 Dec:

On Anglesey&rsquos official entry to Dublin there were cries of &lsquoDirty Doherty&rsquo and at a repeal meeting, 28 Dec. 1830, O&rsquoConnell asserted that &lsquofrom pure hatred to me . has a briefless, talentless barrister been made a chief justice&rsquo. Anglesey, who believed that Doherty&rsquos appointment was &lsquomerely the pretext&rsquo for O&rsquoConnell&rsquos &lsquohostility&rsquo to the ministry, found &lsquothe brutal violence&rsquo threatened against him so &lsquofrightful&rsquo that he was &lsquoobliged to give him a guard in his house&rsquo.48

Doherty, who was suspected of &lsquoworking with the anti-reformers&rsquo at the general election of 1831,49 served as lord chief justice for almost 20 years. &lsquoAs a judge&rsquo, in the words of an obituarist, &lsquohe was painstaking, calm and urbane but his knowledge of the law as a science is said to have been far from profound&rsquo.50 Hobhouse was in his company in Scotland in September 1834, and referred to Doherty, who &lsquolooks as young as ever&rsquo, and his fellow guest Lord Gillies as &lsquotwo of the most agreeable men of their time&rsquo: they &lsquokept us in a roar of laughter, with very little pause&rsquo. Hobhouse also recalled that Doherty now &lsquospoke to me of O&rsquoConnell with more of respect than I ever heard from any other man&rsquo.51 No evidence has been found to substantiate the story that on the formation of his ministry late in 1834 Peel tried to persuade Doherty to leave the bench and return to the Commons and indeed Doherty applied unsuccessfully at this time to Wellington for a peerage, claiming that he could strengthen the new government&rsquos hand in the Lords on legal and Irish questions.52 He repeated the application when Peel came to power in 1841, observing that estates in Carlow which he had inherited from his nephew Carroll, together with his own Irish property, would enable him comfortably to sustain the dignity. He went on:

Peel did not encourage him to expect gratification of his wishes.53

Doherty died of &lsquoa disease of the heart&rsquo in September 1850 at Beaumaris, Anglesey, his customary summer holiday resort.54 An obituary in an Irish nationalist newspaper assessed him, perhaps unfairly, as

By his will, dated 30 Aug. 1850, Doherty directed that his Dublin house at 5 Ely Place be sold or let for the benefit of his wife, who was to receive the annual proceeds of a sum of £9,000 settled on her at their marriage. He had borrowed that amount from Charles William Wall, the surviving trustee of the settlement, on the security of insurance policies on his own life and to enable Wall to pay the premiums he had transferred to him £2,800 in London and North Western Railway Company stock. This was to be applied for his wife&rsquos benefit, and after her death to be divided equally among his children, along with the £9,000 and the residue of his estate. Doherty bequeathed the Carlow property inherited from Carroll to his eldest son John, subject to a mortgage debt of £15,000, which he wished to remain a charge on it. John also got the livestock and agricultural equipment of his farm at Black Lion, Carlow. He confirmed an annuity of £200 settled by Carroll on his sister Letitia as a valid charge on the Carlow estates, and directed that she be paid the interest on the sum of £700, which he had borrowed from her. From the annual rental of houses in Francis and Thomas Streets, Dublin he devised small annuities to the spinsters Eliza Jones and Margaret Moore, the latter being about 21 years of age.56 This evidence of borrowing gives some credence to the stories that Doherty had lost &lsquoa large fortune&rsquo through &lsquounsuccessful speculations in railways&rsquo and had &lsquonever fairly rallied from the depression induced by this misfortune&rsquo. At the same time, his personal estate was sworn under £60,000 in the province of Canterbury, £7,000 in the province of York, and £14,000 in Ireland and the former figure was resworn under £70,000 in 1852 and under £80,000 in 1854.57


Johnny Doherty

One of the greatest and most distinctively individual performers of Irish fiddle music, this artist comes from a family musical line that involves both the Doherty and McConnell families, stretching back…
Read Full Biography

Artist Biography by Eugene Chadbourne

One of the greatest and most distinctively individual performers of Irish fiddle music, this artist comes from a family musical line that involves both the Doherty and McConnell families, stretching back across many generations. This includes individuals who settled down in various Irish communities as well as those who were travelers all their lives, preferring life on the road. Some of Johnny Doherty's musical kin are Turloch MacSweeney as well as Doherty's grandfather Simon Doherty who played the fiddle, uilleann pipes, and highland pipes and his father Mickey Doherty, who may have been the one who passed along the love of fiddle. Mickey married the singer Mary McConnell, whose brothers Mickey and Alec McConnell were well-known fiddle players as well as fiddle builders. Johnny's brothers Mickey and Simon Doherty were also fiddle players.

Johnny Doherty began to play the fiddle in his teens and was vanquished to the barn for his practice sessions. When he would come back into the house, his father would demand a performance of a particular tune, and if it wasn't up to snuff, then it was back to the barn. The Scottish fiddler and composer James Scott Skinner was a big influence on Doherty's style through his recordings, but he often said in interviews that his favorite fiddler was always his father. For an early profession, Doherty chose the life of a traveling tinsmith, also known as a tinker. This involved wandering through rural Ireland on foot lugging a bag of tools for making pots, mugs, or buckets for locals. He didn't actually have to carry a fiddle with him, as back then there was sure to be one at any house that he stopped in at. Although he spent much of his life in his native Donegal county, he traveled to Dublin to compete in the Oireachtas Championships, capturing the fiddle category along with Aggie White of the Ballinakill Ceili Band, coming in second place. He also made it to Belfast to record for the BBC, the first large-scale music business contact to realize what a unique style he had developed. Over the years he basically absorbed and then discarded the influence of his father and his generation, ignored the new choppy-sounding rhythms coming in from some Irish and Scottish fiddlers, and created a style of working mostly with strokes of the bow that gave his playing a sound like no one else had. In his later years he worked as a house musician at a pub in Carrick, giving many a young upstart musicians the chance to try out alongside him. He wrote many of his own pieces, the most famous of which is "Planxty Reel." He was also widely involved in spreading various traditional pieces from one part of Ireland to another. UTV filmed a documentary about him entitled Fiddler on the Road."


Some famous Dohertys:

  • Gary Michael Thomas Doherty (1980-, Irish footballer)
  • Ken Doherty (1969-, professional snooker player)
  • Moya Doherty (1957-, Riverdance co-founder)
  • Shannen Maria Doherty (1971-, American actress, producer, author, and television director)
  • David O'Doherty (1975-, comedian)
  • Brian O'Doherty (1928-, art critic)

* Originally published in 2016, updated in July 2020.

Are you a member of the Doherty clan? Let us know in the comments, below!


Denny Doherty, 66, Mamas and Papas Singer, Dies

Denny Doherty, a founding member of the 1960s folk-pop band the Mamas and the Papas, died yesterday at his home in Mississauga, Ontario. He was 66.

The cause was not immediately known, his daughter Emberly said. But she said her father had recently suffered kidney failure after surgery for a stomach aneurysm.

With chiming guitars and rich, meticulous harmonies that could be tinged with darkness, the Mamas and the Papas became one of the most popular and influential American bands of the era between the Beatles’ arrival and Woodstock. Their enduring hits, like “California Dreamin’,” “Monday, Monday” and “Dedicated to the One I Love,” mixed the gentle jangle of folk with a rock backbeat and sweet, layered pop vocals.

Though John Phillips was the group’s principal songwriter, Mr. Doherty sang most of the male leads, in a clear, friendly tenor that he occasionally punctuated with rock ’n’ roll growls. In “California Dreamin’,” the group’s first hit, the singers harmonize about being stuck among the brown leaves and cold gray skies of winter, and pining for sunny respite. But Mr. Doherty’s lead on the verse suggests that his wishes may go unfulfilled:

Well, I got down on my knees

You know the preacher likes the cold

The song was released in late 1965 after the group signed with the Dunhill label. After stalling at first, it entered the charts the next year in the dead of February — with particular popularity in the Northeast — and reached No. 4.

The Mamas and the Papas, who were inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in 1998, were one of the first major rock groups to include both women and men in equal performing roles, with Mr. Doherty, Mr. Phillips, Michelle Phillips and Cass Elliot striking an image of casual, collegiate friendship. In reality, they were a destructive tangle of love affairs, accompanied by plenty of drugs and alcohol.

“It was an untenable situation,” Mr. Doherty said in an interview with The New York Times in 2000. “Cass wanted me, I wanted Michelle, John wanted Michelle, Michelle wanted me, she wanted her freedom. . ”

In 1968, the Phillipses divorced and the group dissolved, but it had a brief reunion in the early ’70s.

Though the Mamas and the Papas became associated with Los Angeles, the group had its origins in the Greenwich Village folk scene of the early ’60s. Mr. Doherty, who was born in Halifax, Nova Scotia, was playing in a group called the Halifax Three. After it broke up, he joined Ms. Elliot’s band, the Big Three, which changed its name to the Mugwumps and went electric.

Mr. Phillips, meanwhile, was playing in the Journeymen with Ms. Phillips, and after the Mugwumps disbanded, Mr. Doherty joined them in the New Journeymen. With Ms. Elliot in tow, the new group went to St. Thomas in the Virgin Islands to rehearse, and eventually moved to Los Angeles. (The whole picaresque history, with shout-outs to former band mates like John Sebastian of the Lovin’ Spoonful, is recounted in the group’s “Creeque Alley,” a No. 5 hit in 1967.)

Mr. Doherty, who used some of the riches the group collected to buy a house in the Laurel Canyon section of Los Angeles that had once been owned by the Hollywood actress Mary Astor, released two solo albums in the early ’70s and starred in a Broadway show, “Man on the Moon,” written by Mr. Phillips and produced by Andy Warhol. It began performances in late 1974 and closed five weeks later.

Ms. Elliot died in 1974, and Mr. Phillips died in 2001.

The Mamas and the Papas had another reunion in the early ’80s, with Mr. Phillips, Mr. Doherty, Mr. Phillips’s daughter Mackenzie and Elaine (Spanky) McFarlane.

After returning to Canada, Mr. Doherty pursued his acting career, starring in “Theodore Tugboat,” a popular children’s television show produced by the Canadian Broadcasting Company, which ran for most of the 1990s. As the only human on the show, he played the character of the Harbor Master, introducing each segment. It was broadcast on about 200 PBS affiliates and was shown in 80 countries.

Mr. Doherty also developed an autobiographical stage show, “Dream a Little Dream: The Nearly True Story of the Mamas and the Papas,” starting it in Halifax in 1999. He performed it Off Broadway at the Village Theater in 2003.

In addition to Emberly, Mr. Doherty’s survivors include another daughter, Jessica Woods, and a son, John Doherty, also of Mississauga and three sisters and a brother.


Watch the video: Johnny Doherty reply to Sausage Boy Theady (May 2022).

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