Earl Warren Addresses the Republican National Committee

Earl Warren Addresses the Republican National Committee

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As governor of California, Earl Warren talks about the importance of real leadership, devotion to duty and self-sacrifice in returning the Republican Party to national leadership.

Gov. Earl Warren

EARL WARREN was born in Los Angeles, California, on March 19, 1891. He graduated from the University of California in 1912, and earned a law degree from there two years later. In 1917, Warren enlisted in the U.S. Army as a private, and rose to the rank of first lieutenant. After his military service, he served as clerk to the judiciary committee of the California Assembly in 1919, and was Oakland’s deputy attorney from 1919 to 1920. Warren served Alameda County as deputy district attorney from 1920 to 1923, chief deputy district attorney from 1923 to 1925, and district attorney from 1925 to 1929. He also served as California’s attorney general from 1939 to 1943, and was a delegate to the 1944 Republican National Convention. On November 3, 1942, he was elected governor of California, and on January 4, 1943 he was sworn into office. He was reelected to a second term in 1946, and a third term in 1951. During his tenure, the United Nations Charter was signed in San Francisco in 1946, and subsidies were made for child-care centers. Unemployment insurance increased, the state sales tax was reduced, and pensions for the elderly were raised. Warren also supported the internment of Japanese-Americans during his term, a position he later regretted. In 1953, President Eisenhower appointed Governor Warren to the U.S. Supreme Court as chief justice. Resigning from the governor’s office on October 5, 1953, Warren served as chief justice until 1969. He also served on several boards, and in 1963 was the chairman of the commission investigating the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Governor Earl Warren died in Washington D.C., on July 9, 1974, and is buried at the Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia.


Withdrew before the convention Edit

Candidates at the convention Edit

Keynote speech Edit

The keynote speech was delivered by MacArthur, who had become a hero to Republicans after President Truman relieved him of command in 1951 because of their disagreement about how to prosecute the Korean War, and had hopes of obtaining the presidential nomination. [2] In his address, MacArthur condemned the Truman administration for America's perceived loss of status on the international stage, including criticism of the Yalta Conference and the administration's handling of the war in Korea. [2] MacArthur also criticized Truman on the domestic front, blaming his administration for wages that failed to keep pace with post-World War II inflation. [2] The speech was not well received, and did nothing to aid MacArthur's presidential campaign. [3] He curtailed his post-convention speeches and remained out of the public eye until after the election. [3]

The balloting Edit

The contest for the presidential nomination was expected to be a battle between the party's moderate to liberal and conservative wings. [4] Moderate and liberal Republicans (the "Eastern Establishment"), led by New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey, the party's unsuccessful presidential nominee in 1944 and 1948, were largely supporters of Eisenhower or Warren. [4] The conservative wing was led by Taft, who had unsuccessfully tried for the presidential nomination in 1940 and 1948. [4]

In a pre-convention fight over the seating of delegates, Eisenhower supporters charged the Taft campaign with improperly seeking to obtain delegates from Texas, Georgia and Louisiana, states that were part of the Democratic Party's "Solid South" where Republicans had little or no organization because they traditionally did not do well in general elections. [4] The Taft-dominated Republican National Committee supported Taft in the dispute. [4] When delegate committees met to consider the issue before the convention convened, they sustained Eisenhower's position. [4] Stripped of 42 delegates from the disputed states, Taft's backers realized their chances of beating Eisenhower were slim. [4]

In his remarks during the delegate fight, Taft supporter Everett Dirksen harshly criticized Dewey and the moderate to liberal wing of the party, which had dominated it since 1940. [5] In describing the party's failed presidential campaigns of 1940, 1944 and 1948, he pointed at Dewey, who was seated with the New York delegation, and shouted "We followed you before and you took us down the path to defeat!" [5] Dirksen's condemnation of Dewey touched off sustained anti-Dewey and pro-Taft demonstrations. [5]

Dirksen nominated Taft. [5] Eisenhower was nominated by Maryland Governor Theodore McKeldin, who made obvious overtures to the conservative wing by mentioning Eisenhower's Midwestern Kansas roots and the fact that he had begun attendance at the United States Military Academy during the presidential administration of Robert Taft's father, William Howard Taft. [6] McKeldin described Eisenhower's career at the highest levels of the military as evidence that he was able to assume the responsibilities of the presidency immediately and his international renown as an asset that would enable the party to unify its disparate wings and make inroads among Democratic and independent voters. [6] McKeldin's nomination was seconded by Kansas Governor Edward F. Arn, Oregon Republican Party Chairman Robert A. Elliott, Mrs. Alberta Green, a delegate from West Plains, Missouri, and Hobson R. Reynolds, a state legislator from Philadelphia. [7]

After the nominations were completed, including speeches on behalf of Earl Warren, Harold Stassen, and Douglas MacArthur, the delegates proceeded to vote. [4] After the first ballot, Eisenhower had 595 votes, nine short of the nomination, which required 604. [4] Taft had 500, Warren 81, Stassen 20, and MacArthur 10. [4] Warren's backers refused to change their votes to Eisenhower because they still hoped for a deadlock that might enable Warren to obtain the nomination as a compromise choice. [4] Stassen had not received 10 percent of the vote, which freed his home state Minnesota delegates from their pledge to support him. [4] Most of the Stassen delegates, led by Warren E. Burger, changed their votes to Eisenhower, which gave him 614 votes and the presidential nomination. [4] Other delegations then began to switch to Eisenhower, and the revised first ballot total was:

Presidential balloting, RNC 1952
Contender: ballot 1st before shifts 1st after shifts
General Dwight D. Eisenhower 595 845
Ohio Senator Robert A. Taft 500 280
Governor Earl Warren of California 81 77
former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen 20 0
General Douglas MacArthur 10 4

After the revised totals were announced, Taft and Warren supporters moved to unanimously nominate Eisenhower, which the delegates did. [4] As soon as Eisenhower was nominated, he visited Taft personally to request his endorsement and obtain a promise that Taft would support the Republican ticket. [4] Taft immediately agreed, and loyally backed Eisenhower during the general election campaign. [4]

Vice presidential Edit

Senator Richard M. Nixon's speech at a state Republican Party fundraiser in New York City on May 8, 1952 impressed Governor Thomas E. Dewey, who was an Eisenhower supporter and had formed a pro-Eisenhower delegation from New York to attend the national convention. [8] In a private meeting after the speech, Dewey suggested to Nixon that he would make a suitable vice presidential candidate on the ticket with Eisenhower. [9]

Nixon attended the convention as a delegate pledged to Earl Warren and represented California on the convention's platform committee. [10] In pre-convention remarks to reporters, Nixon touted Warren as the most prominent dark horse and suggested that if Warren was not the presidential nominee, Nixon's Senate colleague William Knowland would be a good choice for vice president. [11] As the convention proceedings continued, Warren became concerned that Nixon was working for Eisenhower while ostensibly pledged to Warren. [12] Warren asked Paul H. Davis of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, who had been a vice president at Columbia University while Eisenhower was the school's president, to tell Eisenhower that Warren resented such actions and wanted them to stop. [10] Eisenhower informed Davis that he didn't oppose Warren, because if Taft and Eisenhower deadlocked, then Warren would be his first choice for the nomination. [13] In the same conversation, Eisenhower indicated that if he won the nomination, Nixon would be his first choice for the vice presidency, because Eisenhower believed the party needed to promote leaders who were aggressive, capable, and young. [14] Eisenhower later developed a list of seven potential candidates, with Nixon's name at the top. [15]

After Eisenhower was nominated, his key supporters met to discuss vice presidential possibilities. [16] Eisenhower informed the group's chairman, Herbert Brownell Jr. that he did not wish to appear to dictate to the convention by formally sponsoring a single candidate, so the group reviewed several, including Taft, Everett Dirksen, and Alfred E. Driscoll, all of whom they quickly rejected. [16] Dewey then raised Nixon's name the group quickly concurred. [17] Brownell checked with Eisenhower, who indicated his approval. [18] Brownell then called Nixon to inform him that he was Eisenhower's choice. [17] Nixon accepted, then departed for Eisenhower's hotel room to discuss the details of the campaign and Eisenhower's plans for his vice president if the ticket was successful in the general election. [18]

The delegates soon assembled to formalize the selection. [19] Nixon asked Knowland to nominate him, and Knowland agreed. [19] After Taft supporter John W. Bricker declined Nixon's request to second the nomination, Driscoll agreed to do so. [20] There were no other candidates, and Nixon was nominated by acclamation. [21]

Career as Supreme Court Chief Justice

While Warren did not have any judicial experience, his years of actively practicing law and political accomplishments placed him in a unique position on the Court and also made him an efficient and influential leader. Warren was also adept at forming majorities that supported his views on major Court opinions.

The Warren Court rendered a number of major decisions. These included:

    , which declared segregation policies in public schools unconstitutional,
  • Loving v. Virginia, which declared anti-miscegenation laws (laws that enforced and/or criminalized racial segregation in marriage and intimate relationships) unconstitutional,
  • Griswold v. Connecticut, which stated that the Constitution contains a general right to privacy,
  • Abington School District v. Schempp, which prohibited mandatory Bible readings in schools,
  • and Engel v. Vitale, which prohibited official prayer in schools.

Also, Warren used his experiences and ideological beliefs from his days as District Attorney to change the landscape in the arena. These cases included:

  • Brady v. Maryland, which requires the government to provide exculpatory evidence to a defendant, , which requires that a defendant being questioned by law enforcement must be informed about his rights, , which requires that legal counsel be provided to indigent defendants during Court proceedings,
  • Escobedo v. Illinois, which requires that legal counsel be provided to indigent defendants during interrogation by law enforcement,
  • Katz v. United States, which extended Fourth Amendment protection to all areas where a person has a "reasonable expectation of privacy,"
  • Terry v. Ohio, which allows law enforcement officer to stop and frisk a person if the police officer has a reasonable suspicion that the person has committed, is committing, or is about to commit a crime and has a reasonable belief that the person "may be armed and presently dangerous."

In addition to the number of major decisions that the Court released while he was Chief Justice, President Lyndon B. Johnson appointed him to lead what became known as “The Warren Commission” which investigated and compiled a report about the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.


1856 – The New York Young Men’s Republican Union is formed in June of 1856, with its headquarters at the Stuyvesant Institute on 659 Broadway. Abolitionist Cassius Marcellus Clay is the Club’s first speaker. This organization was the first to inscribe Lincoln’s name on its banner and the first to ratify the Chicago nominations in New York. It organized the first company of “Wide-Awakes” in New York State and published and circulated 3,961,000 pages of campaign documents. The Illustrated Life Of Lincoln and Mr. Lincoln’s Cooper Union speech.

1860 – Abraham Lincoln is invited to speak and introduce himself to the Club in a state that was home to Senator William H. Seward (1801-1872), considered the front-runner for the 1860 Republican presidential nomination. Appearing before an audience of 1,500 at Cooper Union, Lincoln argued that the founding fathers had set the country on an anti-slavery course, contrary to Stephen Douglas and others’ claims in the Democratic Party, who, he maintained, conspired with Southern slaveholders to expand slavery into the territories. Lincoln asked his fellow Republicans to hold firm to their anti-slavery principles: “Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it.” Enormously popular with Republicans, the speech was widely circulated in published form. Later this year, abolitionist Senator Charles Sumner addresses the club membership in July, and in August, Congressman and future Union General Robert C. Schenck speaks to the Club.

1861 – The Advisory Board of the club includes notables such as Horace Greeley, William Cullen Bryan, Hamilton Fish, Hiram Barney, Abijah Mann Jr., George Folsom, William Curtis Noyes, and Richard Cunningham McCormick. Former Club President Benjamin F. Manierre is elected to the New York State Senate.

1862 – The son of New York City Mayor George Opdyke, William Stryker Opdyke, becomes President of the Club.

1864 – Executive Committee member Charles C. Nott concludes his service in the US Army during the Civil War. He was originally appointed as a captain commanding the 176th New York Volunteer Infantry. He eventually achieved the rank of colonel by the war’s end.

1865 – President Abraham Lincoln appoints Executive Committee member Charles C. Nott to a Judge seat on the Court of Claims. He was confirmed by the United States Senate on February 22, 1865, and received his commission the same day.

1866 – Former Club President Benjamin F. Manierre is elected by the New York State Legislature as a Metropolitan Police Commissioner. President Andrew Johnson nominated former Club President Stewart L. Woodford to award the honorary grade of brevet brigadier general of volunteers.

1867 – Senator Charles Sumner gives his ‘Are We a Nation?’ address to the Club in November at the Cooper Institute. Former Club President Stewart L. Woodford is elected as Lieutenant Governor of New York on the Republican ticket with Governor Reuben E. Fenton.

1873 – Former Club President Stewart L. Woodford is elected to the United States House of Representatives from New York’s 3rd Congressional District.

1876 – Former Club President Benjamin F. Manierre was selected as Chairman of the Liberal Republican state convention.

1877 – Former Club President Stewart L. Woodford was appointed as United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York.

1879 – The New York Young Men’s Republican Club is formed in September of 1879 to support the gubernatorial campaign of Alonzo B. Cornell. Their headquarters is established at 185 5th Avenue. Future Vice President of this organization James M. Varnum is elected to the New York State Assembly.

1880 – Vice President Chester A. Arthur personally thanked the Club for their work in fighting against voter intimidation in the Presidential Election of 1880. The Club selects 953 Broadway as its headquarters.

1881 – Future Club Recording Secretary Robert Ray Hamilton is elected to the New York State Assembly.

1884 – The Club publishes a series of pamphlets attacking the career and policies of President Grover Cleveland. Theodore Roosevelt addresses the Club for their October meeting.

1886 – The Club reached 480 members on its rolls. In May of 1886, the New York Young Men’s Republican Club formally incorporates the Republican Club of the City of New York.

1889 – Former Club Vice President James M. Varnum is the Republican candidate for Attorney General of New York State.

1896 – Former Executive Committee member Charles C. Nott received a recess appointment from President Grover Cleveland on November 23, 1896, to the Court of Claims’ Chief Justice seat. Former Club Recording Secretary William M. K. Olcott was appointed New York County District Attorney to fill the vacancy caused by the death of John R. Fellows

1897 – President William McKinley appointed former Club President Stewart L. Woodford to Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Spain. Spain severed diplomatic relations with the U.S. on April 21, 1898, and Woodford left his post the same day. The United States declared war on Spain as of that date by Act of Congress approved on April 25, 1898.

1899 – New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt appoints former Club Vice President James M. Varnum as the Surrogate for New York County.

1902 – Future Club Founder Edward R. Finch is elected to the New York State Assembly.

1911 – Thirty-two young men came together under the leadership of Benjamin M. Day , along with Philip J. McCook , Lloyd Carpenter Griscom , Frederick Paul Keppel , Henry W. Goddard , Edward R. Finch , Alfred Conkling Coxe Jr. , and Albert S. Bard to establish the New York Young Republican Club in April 1911 after noting the lack of a Republican organization that would appeal to the younger Republicans in New York. They sought a forum for advocating views that might, on occasion, be at variance with those of the party leaders, as expressed in the local assembly district clubs and in the Republican Club of the City of New York, which was originally organized in September 1879 as the New York Young Men’s Republican Club and would later become the National Republican Club in June of 1919. In December of 1911, the club held its first gala. Senator William Edgar Borah was the keynote speaker at the gala for Guest of Honor, the President of the United States, William Howard Taft. Although the founders anticipated the enfranchisement of women by omitting the word ‘Men’s’ from the Club’s name, membership in the Club, for the time being, was exclusively male.

1912 – The Club was formally incorporated on February 19, 1912, and by November, the Club had already reached 250 members on its rolls. The Club hosts its second annual gala, dubbed the “Governors’ Dinner” due to Governors Herbert S. Hadley of Missouri, Francis E. McGovern of Wisconsin, and Adolph Olson Eberhart of Minnesota being the guests of honor.

1913 – A year after its incorporation, the Club initiated Republican participation in the campaign, which resulted in the election of John Purroy Mitchel as a fusion Mayor of New York City.

1917 – The Club went on record to support Women’s suffrage in New York State. The Club maintained 500 members on its rolls.

1918 – Founding member of the Club Frederick Paul Keppel is appointed Assistant Secretary of War.

1920 – The Club took part in the election of Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge as President and Vice President of the United States.

1921 – The Club became involved with the mayoral campaign of Henry H. Curran in opposition to Mayor John F. Hylan.

1922 – F. Trubee Davison becomes the first Club member elected to higher office. He was elected to the New York State Assembly from the 2nd District.

1923 – President Warren G. Harding nominates both Club founder Henry W. Goddard and fellow Club member William Bondy to the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. Assemblyman Victor R. Kaufman , a Club member, helped lead the passage of the Kaufman Electrification Act, which mandated all railroads’ electrification in New York City.

1924 – Club member Phelps Phelps is elected to the New York State Assembly from the 10th District. Club member Vito A. Marcantonio serves as Fiorello LaGuardia’s congressional campaign manager.

1926 – Club member F. Trubee Davison was appointed as the Assistant Secretary of War. Henry F. Holthusen becomes the first Chairman of the Board of Governors.

1927 – Under the leadership of Club President and future State Senator Thomas C. Desmond , a tremendous upsurge in the Club’s strength and effectiveness took place after a major restructuring. The membership expanded from less than 100 to over 2,000. The Club awarded Honorary membership to Chauncey Depew on his 93rd birthday.

1928 – The Club contributed more than 500 volunteers to support the Presidential campaign of Herbert Hoover. In October, Vice President Charles G. Dawes and New Hampshire Senator George H. Moses addressed the volunteers at the Club’s campaign headquarters. Club member Louis J. Lefkowtiz is elected to the New York State Assembly.

1929 – President Herbert Hoover appoints Club member Charles Evans Hughes Jr. as United States Solicitor General. President Hoover also appoints Club founder Alfred Conkling Coxe Jr. to the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. Club member Abbot Low Moffat was elected to the New York State Assembly. Club Member Hubert Thomas Delany unsuccessfully runs for Congress in New York’s 21st District. Club member Joseph C. Baldwin is elected to the Board of Aldermen of New York City, he was the only Republican member with 94 Tammany Democrats.

1930 – The Club circulated a questionnaire to its members of the 649 responses, an overwhelming number, 424, supported the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment, 117 favored modification of the Volstead Act, and only 108 favored enforcement of prohibition. Undersecretary of the Treasury, Ogden L. Mills addresses the Club. New York Republican Gubernatorial Candidate Charles H. Tuttle is honored at the Club’s annual dinner.

1931 – Future Governor of New York, Thomas E. Dewey , becomes Chairman of the Club’s Board of Governors. Former Club President Thomas C. Desmond is elected to the New York State Senate.

1932 – In a year that was a landslide for Democrats, the Club gets its own candidate, Herbert Brownell Jr. , elected as New York State Assemblyman, 10th A.D., then a Tammany stronghold. The Club spearheaded the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs’ creation to act as a state-wide umbrella organization for Young Republican Clubs in New York State. Club President George H. Sibley becomes the first Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . Club member F. Trubee Davison ran for Lieutenant Governor of New York with William J. Donovan. Still, they were defeated in a landslide by Democrats Herbert H. Lehman and M. William Bray.

1933 – The Club took a leading role in creating a Fusion ticket, which, with the election of Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia, ousted a long-entrenched Tammany regime in New York City. Chase Mellen Jr ., a member of the Club’s Board of Governors, was elected as the Chairman of the Republican County Committee in New York County. Former United States Attorney General George W. Wickersham addresses the Club.

1935 – Former Club President Joseph C. Baldwin is elected to the New York State Senate. Club member Vito A. Marcantonio is elected to Congress from the 20th district. Club Member Kenneth F. Simpson is elected Chairman of the New York County Republican Committee.

1936 – The Club provided over 1,000 volunteers for Presidential candidate Alf Landon.

1937 – The Club was one of the first organizations to call for the re-nomination and re-election of Mayor LaGuardia as the Republican candidate. The Club helped elect three members to public office, Augustus Newbold Morris as President of the City Council, Stanley M. Isaacs as President of the Borough of Manhattan, and Thomas E. Dewey as District Attorney of New York County. Former Club member Bruce F. Barton is elected to Congress from New York’s 17th District.

1938 – The Club vigorously supported Allen W. Dulles in his campaign for the 16th Congressional District. Club member Bruce F. Barton is successfully elected to Congress from the 17th District. Club member MacNeil Mitchell is elected to the New York State Assembly. Former Club Member Walter Staunton Mack Jr. becomes President of Pepsi-Cola. The Club formed a Constitutional Convention Committee which drafted numerous amendments and proposed revisions to the New York State Constitution.

1939 – Former Club Member Phelps Phelps is elected to the New York State Senate from the 11th District and Club member Frederic René Coudert Jr. is elected to the New York State Senate from the 17th District.

1940 – Club Member William T. Pheiffer was elected by a wide margin to represent the 16th Congressional District on the East Side of Manhattan in the 77th Congress. Pheiffer was the first Republican to carry the district, defeating the Democratic incumbent, James Fay. Former Club Member Kenneth F. Simpson is elected to Congress. Thomas E. Dewey sought the 1940 Republican presidential nomination. He was considered the early favorite for the nomination, but his support ebbed in the late spring of 1940, as World War II suddenly became much more dangerous for the United States.

1941 – Former Club President Joseph C. Baldwin is elected to Congress from the 17th District. The Club successfully helps elect Club member Edgar J. Nathan as President of the Borough of Manhattan, and he is the last Republican to hold said office. Club members Stanley M. Isaacs, Thomas E. Stephens, and Meyer Goldberg are elected to the New York City Council. Former Club Member Congressman Kenneth F. Simpson dies from a heart attack one month after taking office.

1942 – The Club supported the successful gubernatorial campaign of former Chairman of Club’s Board of Governors, Thomas E. Dewey .

1943 – Governor Thomas E. Dewey appoints former Club Member Thomas J. Curran as Secretary of State of New York. Former Club President David W. Peck was appointed Judge of the Supreme Court of New York.

1944 – Club member Herbert Brownell Jr. is elected Chairman of the Republican National Committee. Thomas E. Dewey lost the presidential election on November 7, 1944, to President Roosevelt. Dewey had polled 45.9% of the popular vote compared to Roosevelt’s 53.4%, a stronger showing against Roosevelt than any previous Republican opponent. In the Electoral College, Roosevelt defeated Dewey by a margin of 432 to 99.

1945 – Club member Frederic René Coudert Jr. is elected to the New York State Senate from the 2oth District. The Club endorsed and supported fusionist Mayoral candidate Jonah J. Goldstein.

1946 – The Club actively campaigned for Club member Jacob K. Javits and saw him win an upset victory for Congress in Washington Heights. The Club also supported member Frederick P. Bryan in his ultimately unsuccessful challenge against former Club member Democratic Congressman Vito A. Marcantonio.

1947Frederic René Coudert Jr. is elected to Congress from the 17th District, Kenneth B. Keating is elected to Congress from the 40th district, MacNeil Mitchell is elected to the New York State Senate. The Club unsuccessfully campaigned for the retention of proportional representation in the New York City Council. Former Club President David W. Peck was appointed Presiding Judge of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the 1st District and was thus responsible for the districts of Manhattan and the Bronx. Peck at his appointment was 44 years old and thus was the youngest judge to date of this rank in the State of New York. The Club’s oldest award, the Civic Service Award, is formed, and its first recipient is David W. Peck.

1948 – The Club h elped elect another Club member, George Frankenthaler, as the Surrogate of New York County, the first and last Republican ever elected to that office. The Club ran one of its members, John Ellis, against former Club member Democratic Congressman Vito A. Marcantonio like Frederick P. Bryan 2 years earlier, John Ellis’ campaign failed to secure a win. Thomas E. Dewey was the Republican candidate again in the 1948 presidential election, with California Governor Earl Warren on the bottom half of the ticket. Dewey was almost unanimously projected to win against incumbent Harry S. Truman, who had taken over from Roosevelt when he died in office in 1945. Dewey received 45.1% of the popular vote to Truman’s 49.6%. In the Electoral College, Dewey won 16 states with 189 electoral votes, Truman 28 states with 303 electoral votes, and Thurmond four states (all in the South) with 39 electoral votes. The key states in the election were Illinois, California, and Ohio, which together had a combined 78 electoral votes. Truman won each of these three states by less than one percentage point had Dewey won all three states, he would have won the election in the Electoral College, and if he had any two, this would have forced a contingent election in the House of Representatives.

1949 – President Dwight D. Eisenhower appointed former Club member George Walbridge Perkins Jr. as Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs. George Frankenthaler is awarded the Civic Service Award at the Club’s annual gala. Former Club member Thomas E. Dewey appointed former Club member John Foster Dulles to the United States Senate to replace Democratic incumbent Robert F. Wagner, who had resigned due to ill health. Dulles served from July 7 to November 8, 1949. He lost the 1949 special election to finish the term to Democratic nominee Herbert H. Lehman. Two former Club members ran for Mayor, Augustus Newbold Morris, who ran as a Republican and was supported actively by the Club, and Vito A. Marcantonio, who ran on the American Labor Party ticket, but Democrat William O’Dwyer defeated both.

1950 – Members of the Club initiated the “Draft Dewey” movement in 1950 and successfully persuaded Governor Thomas E. Dewey to seek a third term. Participation of the Club members in that campaign contributed to the Governor amassing one of the largest total votes received by a Republican in New York City to that date. During that year, members of the Club ran the congressional campaign of one of the Club’s former Presidents, Henry Varnum Poor. The Board of Governors endorsed former Club Vice President and New York State Assemblyman John J. Lamula for Congress in New York’s 16th Congressional District despite running as an Independent. The Club actively campaigned on behalf of Edward Corsi in his mayoral run. Club member F. Clinton White becomes Chairman of the Association of New York Young Republican Clubs.

1951 – The Club supplied most of the active support for the Republican candidate for President of the City Council, Henry J. Latham.

1952 – The Club was among the first Republican organizations to go on record in favor of Dwight D. Eisenhower as the Republican candidate for President. Club Member John V. Lindsay helped found The National Youth For Eisenhower. Many capable Club members joined the Eisenhower administration, among them, the late John Foster Dulles as Secretary of State, Herbert Brownell Jr. , as Attorney General, former Board Chairman Harold H. Healy Jr. as Executive Assistant to the Attorney General of the United States, and Winthrop W. Aldrich as Ambassador to the Court of St. James who was later succeeded by another Club member, John Hay Whitney. In addition, many former Club Presidents achieved prominence during this period. James L. Guilmartin was appointed as United States Attorney for the South District of Florida, Cornelius W. Wickersham Jr. served as United States Attorney for the Eastern District of New York, and Paul W. Williams served as United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. Paul W. Williams would be succeeded by a former Chairman of the Club’s Board of Governors, Samuel Hazard Gillespie Jr.

1953 – The Club endorsed and supported Club Member Harold Riegelman‘s campaign for Mayor of New York City. Club member Stuyvesant Wainwright is elected to Congress from the 1st District. President Eisenhower received the Club’s Civic Service Award . President Eisenhower appoints former Club member F. Trowbridge vom Baur as General Counsel of the Navy. President Eisenhower appointed former Club Member William T. Pheiffer as the Ambassador to the Dominican Republic.

1954 – U.S. Senator Irving M. Ives was the Republican candidate to succeed Thomas E. Dewey , but he and his ticket, except for Jacob K. Javits , went down to defeat by a small margin. In the contest for Attorney General, Congressman Jacob K. Javits defeated Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr., the Democratic and Liberal party candidate. Club members Charles Miller Metzner and John Trubin ran these campaigns, respectively, and Club members played a major part in both campaigns. That same year, Board member Morton B. Lawrence served as Executive Director of the New York Eisenhower-Nixon Congressional Campaign Committee, gaining experience he used four years later when he helped found the “Draft Rockefeller for Governor” movement and the “Rockefeller for Governor Clubs,” serving as their Executive Director. In April, former Club President Archie O. Dawson is nominated by President Dwight D. Eisenhower to a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. The Club maintains 3,000 members on its rolls.

1955 – President Eisenhower appoints former Club member John Marshall Harlan II as an Associate Justice to the Supreme Court, President Dwight D. Eisenhower nominates J. Edward Lumbard to a seat on the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit vacated by Judge John Marshall Harlan II . President Eisenhower also provides a recess appointment to former Club member William Bernard Herlands to the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. The Club successfully lobbied for the direct election of Republican Party District Leaders in Manhattan. Former United States President Herbert Hoover is awarded at the club’s annual gala. Noted communist sympathized Harvey J. Matusow is expelled from the Club. Club member Charles K. McWhorter becomes Chairman of the Young Republican National Federation.

1956 – The Club once again provided much of Youth for Eisenhower and Youth for Javits. President Eisenhower was seeking re-election, and Attorney General Jacob K. Javits was the Republican candidate for U.S. Senator. Both were successful, and the State Legislature chose club member Louis J. Lefkowitz to succeed Attorney General Jacob K. Javits . The Club was influential in founding the United Young Republican Club in Harlem in 1956 through its first Lincoln Day Dinner sponsorship. The Club began a program to enroll its membership at the election district level. Assuming the full responsibility for eight election districts in the 9th Assembly District of Manhattan, the Club was successful in bringing out 98.5 percent of the enrolled Republicans in these districts on election day.

1957 – The Club was instrumental in the election of Stanley M. Isaacs to the New York City Council. The Club initiated “Operation City Budget,” a study and analysis of the City’s Expense Budget, which culminated in a well-documented appearance of Club members before the City’s Board of Estimate. The Club actively campaigned for Robert K. Christenberry’s mayoral campaign. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles designated Club member Roderic L. O’Connor as Assistant Secretary of State for Security and Consular Affairs. Former Club member Lawrence E. Walsh is appointed as Deputy Attorney General.

1958 – The Republican Party was determined to win back the governorship in 1958, and many of this Club’s members played an active part on behalf of the various candidates. Still, the State Convention’s nomination went to Nelson A. Rockefeller, brother of Club member David Rockefeller . Playing a vital role in the entire campaign from nomination to the election was former Board Chairman and later Assistant Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare, Roswell B. Perkins . After he was inaugurated, Governor Rockefeller appointed several Club members to high posts in his administration, including Thomas Thatcher , William S. Brennen, Samuel C. Cantor, and Club President Albert C. Petite who resigned as Club President to become Tax Consultant to the Department of Taxation and Finance which evidences the legal talent called to Albany from the Club’s membership. At a meeting of the Club in the spring of 1958, after a lengthy debate, the membership endorsed a former Club President John V. Lindsay , the Executive Assistant to the U.S. Attorney General, to challenge the incumbent East Side congressman, and Club member, Frederic René Coudert Jr. , in the Republican Primary Election. Mr. Frederic René Coudert Jr. withdrew and the Republican Party designated former Club President Elliot H. Goodwin to oppose the Lindsay challenge. The victor in the hard-fought primary and General Election was John V. Lindsay, who defeated his Democratic-Liberal opponent by a narrow margin in the general election.

1959 – The conservative faction of the Club (the ‘Syndicate‘) led by F. Clifton White and William A. Rusher is pushed out of Club leadership by the more liberal and moderate Thomas E. Dewey aligned faction (the ‘Mallards‘) led by John V. Lindsay and Charles Miller Metzner. Former Club member Kenneth B. Keating is elected to the United States Senate. President Dwight D. Eisenhower nominates former Club President Charles Miller Metzner to a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York.

1960 – The Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs awards the Club with the Charles K. McWhorter Award . The Club submitted a proposed Republican Party platform at the Republican National Convention.

1961 – The Club helped lead the effort to elect the popular State Attorney General, Louis J. Lefkowitz , as Mayor of New York City. Although he waged a vigorous campaign, he, like the five previous Republican mayoral candidates before him, went down to defeat. Membership of the Club reaches 1,400. The Club also issued its own campaign buttons for the first time in its history. The Club obtained its own Clubhouse to serve as a combined office, meeting, and campaign headquarters. Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller was the guest of honor at the official opening of the new headquarters. In a letter to Club President Stanley Weiss, Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller commented, “Your new Clubhouse stands as a solid testimonial to the fidelity and increasing strength of the New York Young Republican Club, as well as to the high intelligence, patriotism, energy, and initiative of the leadership it has had in its half-century of progress.

1962 – The Club played a major part in the nomination and election of former Board Chairman Theodore R. Kupferman as Councilman to fill the vacancy caused by the death of the venerable Stanley M. Isaacs , the first in a series of electoral victories that would eventually take Theodore R. Kupferman to Congress, to the New York State Supreme Court and finally to the Appellate Division of that court. This year also saw the Club take an active role in the successful campaigns to re-elect Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller , Senator Jacob K. Javits , Attorney General Louis J. Lefkowitz , and Representative John V. Lindsay . The Club’s goal now was to elect the next Mayor of New York City, something the Republicans hadn’t been able to accomplish since Fiorello H. LaGuardia’s third-term victory in 1941. President John F. Kennedy nominated former Chairman of the Club’s Board of Governors, Edward Cochrane McLean, to a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. The Club held its ‘Golden Anniversary Dinner‘ in March. The Stanley M. Isaacs Award is formed to honor longtime Club member Stanley M. Isaacs. Under Club President E. Virgil Conway the Club launched an investigation into air pollution control by the City government.

1963 – Ordinarily, this would have been an off-political year. Still, Assemblywoman Dorothy Bell Lawrence, long a powerful Republican leader on Manhattan’s East Side, resigned her seat in the Legislature. The Club urged one of its former presidents, John M. Burns , to seek that office. With Club members’ support, he was successful in the Republican primary and the special election, defeating his Democratic-Liberal opponent by 1,200 votes out of about 24,000. In 1963, Councilman Theodore R. Kupferman was challenged in the Republican primary by former Club President J. Dudley Devine . A coalition of conservative groups on the East Side of Manhattan, groups which the following year would form the base of the Goldwater movement in New York, had launched what would turn out to be a losing campaign to unseat Theodore R. Kupferman . Members of the Club were active on both sides, with William Whittemore , who recently had lost the Club presidency to E. Virgil Conway . Stanley Goldstein , a leader of the conservative wing, supporting J. Dudley Devine. At the same time, Charles G. Moerdler served as the Kupferman campaign manager with the support of a majority of the Club’s members. In May, Governor Nelson Rockefeller appointed former Club Member Hubert Thomas Delany as Chairman of a powerful Temporary State Commission on Low-income Housing. The commission held all the authority of a full legislative public inquiry with the ability to call witnesses and subpoena records.

1964 – The Presidential campaign divided the Club ideologically, with former Club President John A. Wells directing former Club member Nelson A. Rockefeller‘s presidential campaign, who lost the nomination to Senator Barry Goldwater. Although Senator Goldwater won the nomination, he lost the general election by a huge margin, bringing down with him Club member MacNeil Mitchell, who had had a 26-year career in the Assembly and the Senate until then. Despite the overwhelming vote for President Lyndon B. Johnson in his congressional district, John V. Lindsay was re-elected to a fourth term by a plurality of 91,000 votes, and Club member Sedgwick W. Green began his outstanding career by defeating the incumbent Assemblyman and three other candidates in a Republican primary and going on to victory in the general election. Club members worked in the re-election campaign of U.S. Senator Kenneth B. Keating , a Club member, who was to be elected to the state’s Court of Appeals the following year in a campaign run by Club member John Trubin . Jackie Robinson was the guest of honor for the 1964 Annual Dinner, receiving the War Memorial Award (Previously known as the Civic Service Award) from the Club. The Club maintained a membership of 1,200.

1965 – The mayoral election of 1965 was one of the most memorable in the Club’s history. Congressman John V. Lindsay , a former Club president, was the Republican candidate, and he also had the endorsement of the Liberal party. In addition to the Democratic candidate, former City Comptroller Abraham D. Beame, John V. Lindsay was opposed by writer-commentator William F. Buckley, the Conservative Party’s candidate. Senator Javits was the Lindsay campaign chairman, while Club member Robert Price directed the day-to-day activities as campaign manager. Club members, too numerous to list, flocked to the Lindsay headquarters and headed almost every area of activity at headquarters or in the field. The Club’s efforts were rewarded with the election of former Club President John V. Lindsay as Mayor of New York City, fulfilling the Club’s 1962 pledge. Many Club officers accepted positions in the Lindsay administration, and many of Mayor Lindsay’s Commissioners were Club members. This intricate symbiotic relationship between the Club and the Lindsay administration allowed the Club to realize its ideal of bringing good government to the City of New York. Robert Price became Deputy Mayor, a position he held for about a year until succeeded by Robert W. Sweet, who had been Executive Assistant to the Mayor Charles G. Moerdler was named Buildings Commissioner, to be succeeded by William J. Diamond in 1967. Sidney Davidoff, an assistant campaign manager, was appointed as an Assistant Buildings Commissioner, as were Jacques Debrot and Seymour M. Unger . Soon after, Mr. Sidney Davidoff was appointed Assistant to the Mayor, a post he held through the remainder of John Lindsay’s eight years at City Hall. Richard Lewisohn , who had become the leader of the 9th A.D. Republican Club (by then the 66th A.D.) after the Lindsay supporters had taken over the Club in 1959, resigned to accept appointment as the Commissioner of Purchase, to be followed by Franklin R. Weissberg , another Club member and noted theatrical lawyer who Mayor Lindsay had chosen to be a consultant to him for the performing arts. Joseph L. Forstadt , a Board Vice-Chairman who also had been active in the Lindsay campaign, was named Deputy Commissioner of Licenses and later became Acting Commissioner when the department’s name was changed to that of Consumer Affairs. Many other Club members were appointed to full-time, volunteer, and advisory positions with the Lindsay Administration. Roy M. Goodman, a businessman who had served as a legislative aide to Assemblyman John Robert Brook, was asked by Mayor Lindsay to take on the Finance Commissioner position, which he did. Of the twenty-five members of the Club’s Board of Governors, twenty-three joined the Lindsay Administration. Governor George Romney was honored by Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller at the Club’s annual gala.

1966 – With the election of John V. Lindsay as Mayor, a vacancy was created in his congressional district and Club members Thomas Brownell , George A. Kalkines, and Joseph L. Forstadt led the campaign to elect Councilman Theodore R. Kupferman, who won by 900 votes in a Special Election on February 8, 1966. Under the rules of the Council, the other Manhattan members had to elect a Republican to fill the Kupferman vacancy on the City Council, and they chose Woodward Kingman, who had been Club President from 1955 to 1956. That November, Club member Whitney North Seymour, Jr . won back the Senate seat on Manhattan’s East Side, which the Republicans had lost in 1964 while Theodore R. Kupferman , John M. Burns, and Sedgwick W. Green were re-elected.

1967 – The War Memorial Award , one of the Club’s highest honor, was presented to Oregon’s U.S. Senator, Mark O. Hatfield, by Senator Jacob K. Javits at the Club’s annual dinner in memory of those Club members who died during World War II. Stanley B. Thomas Jr. becomes the first black Chairman of the Club’s Board of Governors. 1,300 members are listed on the Club’s rolls.

1968 – Several Club members vied for many of the same elected offices on the East Side of Manhattan. Congressman Theodore R. Kupferman announced that he would not seek re-election – he received a bipartisan nomination for the State Supreme Court the following year – and Assemblyman Sedgwick W. Green sought the nomination. State Senator Whitney North Seymour Jr. Mike Seymour’s decision to seek congressional office created a state senatorial vacancy. Assemblyman John M. Burns and Roy M. Goodman sought the nomination, while Thomas M. Brownell and Peter W. Hoguet vied for the nomination to succeed John M. Burns. A vacancy was also created in the 66th A. D., which Sedgwick W. Green had represented for four years. William J. Diamond, then Commissioner of Buildings, was given the party designation only to be challenged by Stephen C. Hansen, a relative newcomer to Republican politics. All of the candidates except Mr. Hoguet and Mr. Hansen were members of the New York Young Republican Club. Whitney North Seymour Jr. , Roy M. Goodman , Stephen C. Hansen, and Peter W. Hoguet won in the primary elections over Sedgwick W. Green , John M. Burns , William J. Diamond , and Thomas Brownell , respectively, but only Roy M. Goodman and Stephen Hansen were to be victorious in the General Election 1968 saw the loss of a congressional and an assembly seat by the Republicans on the East Side.

1969 – John V. Lindsay would seek re-election, and all of the Club’s energies were directed towards achieving that goal. He again was designated by the Republican and Liberal parties but faced a challenge for the Republican nomination from Staten Island Senator John J. Marchi. Despite the hard work of Club members and other Lindsay campaigners, when the results came in on Primary Night, the winner was Senator Marchi, who also had the Conservative party nomination. The Democratic candidate who won his party’s primary was City Comptroller Mario A. Procaccino, a product of the Bronx Democratic organization who had benefited in the Primary Election by the vote being split among the “reform” Democratic candidates for the mayoral nomination. The defeat of Mayor Lindsay in the Republican Primary shocked his supporters gathered at his headquarters that night. They cast a pall on the gathering until “reform” Democrats began to show up and, one by one, pledged their support to John V. Lindsay and said that they would become active in his campaign. This crossing of party lines would be the basis of the Lindsay victory that November. Still, it would have a deleterious effect on the Republican party locally in the years to come. The Club maintained 1,500 members on its rolls. President Richard Nixon appoints future Club Member Rita E. Hauser as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights

1970 – In his bid for a fourth term in the Governor’s Mansion in 1970, Nelson A. Rockefeller was opposed by former U.S. Supreme Court Justice Arthur J. Goldberg, the Democratic and Liberal candidate. The Club’s efforts on Governor Rockefeller’s behalf were complicated by Mayor Lindsay’s decision to support Justice Goldberg. Despite this, most of the Club’s members did work for Governor Rockefeller’s re-election and for that of Senator Goodell, who also had the Liberal party nomination, but who was opposed by Democratic Congressman Richard L. Ottinger of Westchester and attorney-businessman James L. Buckley, a Republican seeking election as the Conservative Party candidate. Again, Governor Rockefeller was victorious, but Mr. Buckley defeated Senator Goodell and Congressman Ottinger with 39 percent of the vote. Member of the Club’s Board of Governors Joseph L. Searles III became the first black floor member and floor broker in the New York Stock Exchange.

1971John V. Lindsay switched his party registration to that of a Democrat – many in his administration did the same – and announced that he was a candidate for the 1972 Democratic presidential nomination. Although he eventually failed to garner the nomination, he had the support of many Club members, principally those who were part of his administration.

1972 – Club President Joseph L. Forstadt becomes Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . Club members primarily manned the Nixon campaign headquarters in New York.

1973 – Former Club member Kenneth B. Keating is appointed as Ambassador to Israel by President Richard Nixon.

1974 – Former Club member Nelson A. Rockefeller is appointed Vice President of the United States by President Gerald Ford. Club President Guy E. C. Maitland becomes Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs .

1975 – The membership approved an amendment to the Club Bylaws, allowing women to apply for membership in the New York Young Republican Club . Ellen G. Tencza becomes the first woman to lead the New York Young Republican Club . Former Club member David Rockefeller becomes Chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations.

1976 – The Club campaigned strongly for Gerald Ford’s presidential campaign.

1977 – Club membership hits a low point of only 400 members on its rolls.

1978 – President Jimmy Carter nominates former Club member Robert W. Sweet to a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. Former Club member Sedgwick W. Greenis elected to Congress from New York’s 18th District.

1980 – Lee A. Forlenza was elected President of the Club, and soon thereafter, Jo Ann Albano Cohen, daughter of New York Republican County Committee Chairman Vincent Albano, became Chairman of the Board of Governors. This created an immediate political quandary for President Forlenza, as the New York Republican County Committee Chairman supported George H.W. Bush for the Republican Presidential nomination. In contrast, most of the Club’s membership supported California Governor Ronald Reagan. Widespread resignations followed from both the Board and regular membership. Yet, after weathering this storm, President Forlenza’s administration was marked by his ability to steer an independent course for the Club while bringing factions within the Club together.

1981 – President Ronald Reagan appoints former Club member Evan G. Galbraith as the United States Ambassador to France, and Samuel R. Pierce Jr. is appointed as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development.

1982 – The Club played an active role in the gubernatorial campaign of Lewis Lehrman.

1984 – Club members hold 40% of the leadership positions in Youth for Reagan . The Club begins chartering College Republican clubs throughout the City. Club President Thomas R. Stevens is named New York State Youth Coordinator for Reagan-Bush ’84. Chairman of the Board, Salvatore J. Calise , ran for Congress in the 9th Congressional District with strong support from the Club. President Ronald Reagan nominates former Club member Peter K. Leisure to a seat on the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York. Due to a dispute with the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs, the Club decided to charter its own state-wide Young Republican umbrella organization called the Federation of New York State Young Republican Clubs. Over half the Clubs within the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs chose to leave that group and join the newly formed Federation of New York State Young Republican Clubs.

1985 – President Ronald Reagan appoints former Club member John C. Whitehead to serve as Deputy Secretary of State.

1987 – President Ronald Reagan nominated former Board of Governors Chairman Stuart A. Summit to a seat on the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. His nomination died a year later due to unexpected opposition by New York Republican Senator Al D’Amato.

1988 – The Manhattan Young Republican Club merges with the New York Young Republican Club .

1989 – President George H.W. Bush appointed former Club member Thomas Patrick Melady as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Holy See.

1990 – The Club fractured into two competing organizations, one affiliated with the New York State Republican Committee and the New York County Republican Committee, and the other, the ‘Independent Club,’ ending all affiliation with the New York Republican State Committee and the New York Republican County Committee. The ‘Affiliated Club‘ rejoined the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs and the Young Republican National Federation.

1995 – Former Chairman of the Board of Governors, Salvatore J. Calise, becomes Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs.

1996 – The Club campaigned strongly for Bob Dole’s presidential campaign. Mayor Rudy Giuliani appoints former Club member Rudy Washington as Deputy Mayor of New York City.

2001 – The ‘Independent Club‘ stood out among the New York Republican organizations and committees. Then ‘Independent Club‘ President Robert H. Hornak and the ‘Independent Club‘ leadership announced their support of Herman Badillo’s candidacy for Mayor of New York over the party establishment’s choice of Michael Bloomberg, who the ‘Affiliated Club‘ fully supported. Many Club members worked feverishly on the Badillo campaign making a valiant effort, but Michael Bloomberg won the nomination in the end. After the primary, the ‘Independent Club‘ chose not to endorse the Republican candidate for mayor because it felt Bloomberg was truly a liberal Democrat.

2002 – The Club works closely with People for Pataki and is successful in getting George Pataki reelected to a third term as Governor of New York. Former Club President Anton Srdanovic ran for Congress in the 14th Congressional District against Representative Carolyn Maloney.

2003 – Club President Jason S. Weingartner elected Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . Five ‘Affiliated Club‘ members ran for the New York City Council. Future Club President Lynn Krogh becomes Deputy Press Secretary for Governor Pataki. The New York Young Republican Club wins the Club of the Year Award from the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . The Club partners with Forza Italia Giovani , the youth wing of the Italian center-right Forza Italia party. Three Board Members of the ‘Independent Club’ unsuccessfully ran for New York City Council, Jennifer Arrangio , Jay Golub and, Josh Yablon.

2004 – Club provides the largest volunteer contingent to the Republican National Convention in New York City. Club member Emily Csendes ran a strong campaign for State Senate against Democrat incumbent Tom Duane, and Anton Srdanovic again challenged the incumbent for the 14th Congressional seat. The Club’s membership surpasses 580 dues-paying members. Mayor Michael Bloomberg is the keynote speaker for the Club’s 92nd Annual Gala. Other guests include former NYPD Commissioner Bernard Kerik, famed author and pollster Kellyanne Conway, and Massachusetts Lt. Governor Kerry Healy. The ‘Independent Club’ strongly supported Michael Benjamin’s unsuccessful attempt to challenge Chuck Schumer for the United States Senate. The ‘Independent Club’ President Paul A. Rodriguez unsuccessfully ran for Congress in the 12th Congressional District.

2005 – Mayor Michael Bloomberg once again addresses the Club at the 93rd Annual Gala. The Club receives the Best Large Local Club Award from the Young Republican National Federation .

2006 – The Club receives the Best Local Club Award from the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs .

2007 – The Club creates the first New York Straw Poll for the 2008 Presidential Elections. President George W. Bush appoints former Club member Michael B. Mukasey as the United States Attorney General.

2008 – The Club surpasses 1,000 dues-paying members. Five club members ran for seats in the State Assembly, State Senate, and the House of Representatives.

2009 – Club President Lynn Krogh is elected as Chairman of the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . Former Club member Edward F. Cox becomes the Chairman of the New York Republican State Committee.

2011 – The Club hosts its 100th annual dinner gala.

2012 – Khalil A. Haddad is elected Club President and presents the Herbert Brownell Jr. Award to former Club member and U.S. Attorney General Michael B. Mukasey. The Club received the Best Club Website Award from the Young Republican National Federation.

2013Brian R. Morgenstern is elected Club President and presents the New York Young Republican Club Award ( Previously the War Memorial Award) to U.S. Senator Tom Coburn. Former Club President Jason S. Weingartner is elected Chairman of the Young Republican National Federation and is appointed to Executive Director of the New York Republican State Committee . The ‘Independent Club‘ elects Alysia J. Dagrosa as president. She is the first black female president of the ‘Independent Club.’

2014 – The Club leads deployments to New Hampshire in support of Scott Brown’s Senatorial campaign and New York’s 1st Congressional District in support of Lee Zeldin.

2015 – Under the presidency of Samantha M. McNeilly , the New York Young Republican Club wins the Club of the Year Award from the Association of New York State Young Republican Clubs . The ‘Independent Club‘ largely ceases operations.

2017 – Former Club President Brian R. Morgenstern is appointed as Deputy Assistant Secretary at the Department of the Treasury.

2018 – Club Member Joseph Pinion III ran a vigorous campaign for New York State Assembly in Yonkers. Former Club Member Mike Beltran is elected to the Florida House of Representatives.

2019 – The Club regains the mantle as the largest Young Republican club in the country with over 450 dues-paying members on the rolls. The Club led a successful deployment to help elect Bob Helbock as a Civil Court Judge on the North Shore of Staten Island. This was the first Republican victory for that seat in a generation. Former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon was the Club’s keynote speaker for the 107th Annual Gala.

2020 – Club President Gavin M. Wax is awarded the Republican Youth of the Year Award from the Queens Village Republican Club, the oldest Republican club in the country, founded in 1875. Club President Gavin M. Wax is also appointed as the Chairman of the A ssociation of Young Republican Clubs and the Digital Director of the Young Republican National Federation . The Club forms official partnerships with Italy’s largest party, La Lega, and the Swedish conservative youth movement, Konservativa Förbundet. Former Club President Brian R. Morgenstern becomes the Deputy White House Press Secretary. The Club is awarded the Outstanding Club Social Media Award from the Young Republican National Federation.


From "Earl Warren: The Judge Who Changed America," Jack Harrison Pollack, Prentice-Hall, 1979:

"Earl Warren. will never set the world on fire or even make it smoke he has the limitations of all Americans of his type with little intellectual background, little genuine depth or coherent political philosophy a man who has probably never bothered with an abstract thought twice in this life . no more a statesman in the European sense than Typhoid Mary is Einstein . ." -John Gunther, 1947, in Inside USA, about California's Governor

Enormously popular, he was California's only three-term (1942-1953) scandal-free governor.

In 1944, Warren declined to be New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey's Republican vice presidential running mate.

In 1948, Warren ran as Dewey's running mate against President Harry S. Truman.

In 1952, Warren wanted the presidential nomination. If Senator Nixon had not deviously deserted him for Eisenhower, or if Robert Taft had deadlocked the convention, Warren might have won the nomination.

Nixon was jealous of the vote-getting ability of Warren, and he got Eisenhower to promise to find a suitable appointment for Governor Warren which would effectively separate Warren from the California constituency. Nixon got Eisenhower to promise the next seat available on the US Supreme Court to everyone's surprise Chief Justice (CJ) Vinson died suddenly, and Eisenhower offered the CJ seat to Warren who accepted, to the delight of Nixon.

In 1955, party pros pushed Warren for President. On April 13, 1955 a Gallup Poll reported that if Ike declined to seek a second term, Warren was the number one choice among Republican and Independent voters to succeed him, leading Nixon three to one. The next day, the 64-year old Warren issued a public statement that when he accepted the position on the court, he intended to leave politics permanently for the service of the Court.

When Ike had his first heart attack on September 24, 1955, the Warren-For-President noise started again. Ike considered Warren for vice president. Ike, despite the Brown v Board of Education desegregation case, still considered Warren as a decent man, essentially one like himself, middle-of-the-road, conscientious, affable, basically conciliatory, yet capable of being tough in the face of outrage. In a word, "safe."

Eisenhower had appointed Warren to be Chief Justice largely because the President believed him to be a high-level mediocrity. Everything about Warren seemed to indicate that his role on the Court would be than of an unimaginative moderate-conservative conformist. The composition of the Court itself would tend to hold him in line. Only two of his eight fellow Justices were avowed liberals three were moderates, and three were strongly conservative.

He was christened "Earl Warren." He said "My parents were too poor to afford the luxury of a middle name." Warren was born at 457 Turner Street, near the railroad depot where his father worked, near Olivera Street, in Los Angeles, with a midwife, to Methias and Chrystal Warren, on March 19, 1891.

When Warren was five, they moved to a row house in Sumner, a tiny railroad village two miles from Bakersfield. In 1896, Bakersfield was frontier town of railroaders, miners, oil workers, construction laborers, Basque sheepherders, gamblers, saloon keepers, promoters, pimps and prostitutes, with a population of 7,000 (500 of which were estimated to be prostitutes.)

In 1897, Warren entered Washington School. A teacher tied his left hand behind his back, making him learn to write right handed. All his life, he ambidextrously wrote with his right hand but did everything else with his left.

If a boy isn't made to obey the laws when he is young, he won't obey the laws of his country when he is older.

Warren took clarinet lessons, and at age 15 joined the Bakersfield Local 263 of the American Federation of Musicians.

While Earl was still in high school, Methias took him to hear a memorable Bakersfield lecture by Dr. Russell H. Conwell, a well-known minister and founder of Philadelphia's Temple University. He delivered his famed "Acres of Diamonds" speech, whose theme was that there is no need to search the world for riches when they exist in your backyard. As an example, Conwell told of a wealthy Persian who had heard from a stranger of vast riches in diamonds to be found in a far-off land. The fortune-seeker sold his land, left his family and circled the globe seeking this treasure, only to wind up destitute. After his death, a stranger dug the land behind his home, which he had sold for naught, and there lay the richest diamond treasure on earth.
Reminiscing one day in 1954, Warren said, "Of all the lectures that I heard in my youth this one made the greatest impression upon me. The little town where we lived did not appear to offer too many advantages. It was located in an area covered largely by sagebrush and populated mainly by jackrabbits. But my father assured me that Dr. Conwell's story about 'Acres of Diamonds' applied to our little town as well as to the largest and most beautiful cities in America, and that people who were always thinking of fortune-hunting in the other parts of the world were actually overlooking golden opportunities at home. He kept this picture before me through all the years I was growing into manhood. That little town is now the center of a population of a hundred and fifty thousand. Many who left there in search of oil and gold in Alaska, Mexico and other distant places returned at a later date empty-handed, only to find that those who had remained had not only struck oil at home but, by harnessing mountain water and irrigating the parched land, had profitably made a veritable Garden of Eden out of the desert."

While an undergraduate at UC Berkeley, Earl heard an eloquent speech by a famed visiting political figure, 57-year old Senator Robert Marion "Fighting Bob" La Follette, Sr., the Republican Wisconsin governor from 1901 to 1906. He had pushed through a direct primary law, tax reform legislation, railroad rate control, and other liberal measures known as the "Wisconsin Idea."

In June 1912, Warren was awarded his Bachelor of Letters degree, and in September enrolled in the new UC law school at Berkeley. On May 141, 1914 Earl Warren received his degree from UC Berkeley as a Doctor of Jurisprudence. He was nearer the bottom than the top of his class, and did not make the Law Review staff or win any other coveted honors. He had a C average (called 3 then) and was certainly not voted Lawyer Most Likely to Succeed. He was admitted to the California State Bar in May 1914.

He then accepted a job in the small legal department of Associated Oil Company.

In August 1917, Warren enlisted in WWI as an infantry private. At Camp Lewis, Washington, he was made a first sergeant. He became friends with Leo Carillo, the Mexican-American actor, who was descended from California settlers. He later played "The Cisco Kid." Warren became a bayonet expert and second lieutenant. Instead of being sent to France, he was sent ot Camp MacArthur in Waco, Texas to teach at the Central Infantry Officers' Training School. He made First Lieutenant before the war ended on 11/11/1918. He was not yet 27.

He went to work for the Alameda County District Attorney's Office. At age 34, he was appointed DA to fill a vacancy. Making $7,000 a year, he decided to get married.

Nina Palmquist Meyers and Earl Warren were married on October 14, 1925 in the First Baptist Church in Oakland.

In 1926, Warren was elected DA. He prosecuted oil stock swindlers, unscrupulous health insurance promoters, school board embezzlers, cleaning and dyeing racketeers, fraudulent building and loan sharks, lawyers and stockbrokers who stole funds from estates entrusted to them, and assorted confidence artists. He indicted an aircraft manufacturer for making a defective wing on an airplane which killed a pilot on takeoff. He convicted dope peddlers, and reached into a sheriff's office to break up a slot machine and prostitution-protection ring. He was described as honest, grim and relentless. The public defender admitted that Warren never brought people into court unless he could prove they were guilty. Nothing troubled him more than the possibility that he might be sending an innocent person to jail. His instructions to his staff were: "Get the facts honestly and don't color them. If the facts are there, you can proceed. If they're not, we don't want them. Be fair, courteous and never go against your honest instincts."

Warren's conviction rate was an astonishing 86% -- far higher than that of SF, LA, and other areas in the state. He kept the office strictly nonpartisan and free of politics. He was a loyal Republican, but in 1924, he voted not for Coolidge, but for Progressive Party candidate Robert M. LaFollette. In 1932 he was a delegate to the national convention that nominated Hoover. The left in California was swept up in author Upton Sinclair's "End Poverty In California" (EPIC) soak-the-rich campaign.

DA Warren on February 17, 1938 announced that he had decided to run for Attorney General and revitalize that office like FDR had done as president.

On the warm Saturday evening of May 14, 1938, Methias Warren, then seventy-three years old, was sitting the living room of the small frame house at 709 Miles Street in Bakersfield where he had lived for forty-two years. The unkempt house was crammed with old unused furniture that he periodically removed for the renters of his hundred-odd cottages which he had built and owned in East Bakersfield. He had been reading the same local evening newspaper his his son used to deliver as a boy, the Bakersfield Californian, but probably had fallen asleep. His wife was in Oakland convalescing from a cataract operation. For several years, she had rented an apartment there near the home of their daughter, Ethel Plank.

The screened doors and windows were all open. A tenant came in at 8 pm to pay him the fifteen dollar' rent. This tenant was the last person to see Methias Warren alive.

The following morning, as his son was about to speak at a Sunday Masonic breakfast meeting in a Berkeley hotel, he was interrupted by an urgent telephone call from the Bakersfield police. Methias Warren had been savagely bludgeoned to death by an unknown assailant with a foot-long iron pipe presumably taken from his back yard strewn with pipes, plumbing, and old stoves. Robbery appeared to have been the motive. The pipe had been found in a neighbor's yard the victim's broken glasses were on the kitchen floor, and his empty wallet was found in a nearby schoolyard, with the other contents scattered on the street. Two pennies were found in the slain man's trouser pocket.

It was immediately rumored that his was a political murder aimed at his crimebusting son. The DA of Alameda County had no jurisdiction in Kern County, but he immediately dispatched several aides to cooperate with the Bakersfield authorities. On Sunday evening, before boarding a plane for Bakersfield himself, he sadly said to reporters, "This is a terrible reason to have to make a trip home."

In his Bakersfield hotel room, Warren later held a press conference. Reporters flocked there from all over the state. Speaking honestly and emotionally about his father, he broke down while sitting on the bed and sobbed. Everyone present was deeply moved, remaining transfixed. But one photographer snapped a picture. Shocked at such insensitivity, the other reporters reproachfully removed the film from his camera and exposed it to the light. No picture of this scene ever appeared. "We all felt that Warren was such a decent guy that even us bastards wanted to protect him," recollects an onlooker.

More than a hundred suspects were questioned, and several were held, but all were later released because of lack of evidence.

Warren's chief investigator, Oscar Jahnsen, after months of investigation became convinced that he had identified the murderer, a man who had been involved in business dealings with Matt Warren. But before Jahnsen could wrap up the case, overeager local authorities clumsily began to third=degree the suspect without informing him of his rights when the man's attorney found out, he advised him to remain silent, and no conclusive evidence was found to link him to the murder.

"I blew my top when they blew the case," Jahnsen recollects, still bitter. "The Chief wanted his father's murderer apprehended, but he refused to break any of own rules or use his office to convict a guilty man without solid, legally secured evidence. He warned us that we had to follow our strict office rules in investigating any murder. He even said to me later, 'Oscar, you did the right thing.'"

Bakersfield Chief of Police Robert B. Powers, who supervised 25 men working exclusively on the case, believed that the culprit was an itinerant prowler. "The motive was robbery and murder was not deliberately intended," he said for years. This view was accepted by the slain man's bereaved son. Among the suspects was a San Quentin prisoner -- convicted of another crime -- who could have been in Bakersfield at the time. "I wanted to put a stool pigeon in his cell and plant a dictaphone there," revealed Powers. But when informed of this plan, Earl Warren flatly rejected it. "We don't break the law when trying to enforce the law," he said simply.

In the campaign for Attorney General, Warren posted the necessary filing fees, $200 each, to become a candidate on not only the Republican but also the Democratic and Progressive tickets. While the Democrats were vilifying each other, Warren won the most votes cast in the August 1938 primary, to be candidate for all three parties. The Democrats desperately tried to defeat him with a write-in` candidate in the November election. Warren captured a million and half more votes than his closest write-in Democratic challenger. Warren was the only major Republican to survive the 1938 California Democratic landslide which swept into the governorship Culber L. Olson, an outspoken New Dealer riding FDR's coattails. Olsen was elected California's first Democratic governor in 44 years.

On his first day in office, January 2, 1939, Attorney General Earl Warren was tested. He was informed that the outgoing Republican Governor Merriam had just appointed his executive secretary as a Superior Court Judge in Warren's own Alameda County, even though this man had been accused of selling pardons to Folsom and San Quentin prisoners. Within an hour, Warren had the alleged culprit in his office. Securing the man's permission to have a stenographer present, he interrogated the new "judge" for two hours. Later, he had him read and sign this transcript. It was used not only to keep the man off the bench but eventually to help put him behind bars. Warren's swift cancellation of a last-minute appointment by an outgoing Republican Administration may have troubled some GOP politicians, but the Democratic Los Angeles Daily News crowed: "Official California is in for a good scrubbing behind the ears."

Warren, in his 4 years as Attorney General, closed down all the dog tracks in the state. He fought to drive out bookies and slot machines.

Warren's most spectacular antigambling battle was a naval one. It was waged on land simultaneously against four luxury gambling ships which were anchored off the Southern California coast at Santa Monica and Long Beach. Of the four -- the Rex, Texas, Tango, and Showboat -- the Rex was the biggest and most arrogant. Its rum-running owner, Tony Cornero, who was reportedly financed by the Al Capone underworld, claimed that since this ship was more than three miles from shore, it was therefore on the international "high seas" and not subject to California law. Every day hundreds, sometimes thousands, of customers were water-taxied from shore to ship to play the dice and blackjack tables, roulette wheels and "one-armed bandit" slot machines. The floating sports palace was advertised in friendly leading newspapers, on radio and billboards and even via airplane skywriting. Cash-depleted customers later complained of roughneck treatment whenever they protested that the games had been fixed, but the Rex and the other ships flourished, sucking millions of nontaxable dollars out of the State of California.

Warren sent Oscar Jahnsen to inform Cornero that he would be given safe escort to leave the California area. Insisting that he was legally in the clear, Cornero refused to close down his operation.

Enraged by Cornero's defiance, Warren uncovered an ancient U.S. Supreme Court decision which empowered a state to curb any "public nuisance" even beyond territorial limits. A second old state ruling was interpreted to show that even though the Rex was three miles from shore, it was still anchored within an ancient "Bay" over which California could claim jurisdiction. A third ruling found water taxis "public conveyances" requiring licenses to operate, which, of course, the Rex's water taxis lacked. Now convinced of his legal grounds, if not waters, Warren secured a court order which enabled him to raid the floating Rex casino and the three other gambling ships simultaneously.

Thus began the highly publicized naval maneuver of "Admiral" Warren. In July 1939 he formed a makeshift "fleet" consisting of four patrol, fire-fighting and fishing vessels mobilized from the state Fish and Game Commission, and sixteen water taxis. His "crew" was about three hundred law-enforcement officers, including some from the Los Angeles County sheriff's and district attorney's offices. Eight sea-going state accountants and lawyers accompanied them to examine the ship's books.

From his command post on a cliff at the Santa Monica Beach Club, the "Admiral" observed the Rex through telescope and field glasses, communicating his orders via shortwave radiophones. Three of the ships surrendered within a few hours but the Rex chose to resist. At 8 p.m. on July 29, Warren issued the command for his armada to attack it!

Suddenly a snag arose. Someone -- probably a crooked law enforcement officer -- had alerted Cornero to the impending invasion. The Rex's defending crew drove back the invaders with streaming fire hoses, and improvised an iron gate to prevent anyone from boarding. Undaunted, Warren ordered his commandos to blockade the ship. "If they won't let us on, we won't let anybody off," reasoned the land-based lawman. "A lot of the customers must be at their jobs the next day. Some husbands are on board whose wives don't know they're with girl friends, and some wives must be there gambling while their husbands are working."

The 650 stranded patrons threatened reprisals on the tormented Cornero. Finally the compassionate invading "Admiral" permitted them to return to shore but continued blockading the Rex to prevent it from fleeing.

The great California naval battle had now begun to make national headlines and the House of Representatives passed a California congressman's bill making a federal offense to operate a gambling ship off any coast of the United States. But it was not until Cornero's patience and food supplies were exhausted that he finally hoisted the white flag and surrendered more that a week later.

Climbing into the patrol cutter, the triumphant Warren led his seagoing posse and reserve land troops aboard the Rex. "It was like General Grant accepting Robert E. Lee's sword in surrender," recalls Oscar Jahnsen.

When the handcuffed Cornero was booked at the nearby Santa Monica police headquarters, he was asked his occupation. "Mariner, Goddammit!" he growled.

The vanquished Cornero threatened to sue Warren for "piracy on the high seas." But his threats proved as empty as many of his patrons' pockets. Had this defense been carried out, Earl Warren would have been the only future Chief Justice in American history ever accused of such a dastardly crime.

The seized, sacked gambling money was deposited in the state treasury. Cornero was finally persuaded to reimburse the State of California the $13,200 it had expended in raiding him and to pay the State Railroad Commission a negotiated $7,500 penalty for operating unlicensed water-taxi "public conveyances," and $4,200 in taxes. Jahnsen gleefully led a demolition crew aboard the Rex carrying crowbars and axes to destroy the hundred dice and blackjack tables, slot machines, and roulette wheels.

As Attorney General, Warren modernized and improved law enforcement throughout the state. He investigated charges of mistreatment in public and private mental institutions, orphanages, and nursing homes opposed police troopers using unmarked cars fought for black prizefighters to fight in a Hollywood stadium and compelled exporters to pay their lawful sales taxes. Before the U.S. Court of Claims, he won $7 million for native Indians under "lost" 1851-1852 treaties. The future chief justice represented California in the U.S. Supreme Court, arguing before Justices Black and Douglas, his colleagues-to-be. In recognition of his work, he was elected president of the National Association of Attorneys General.

In 1941, Attorney General Warren got into a series of disputes with Democratic Governor Olson. On April 9, 1942, Attorney General Warren, thought by many of the professional politicians to be a political cornball, announced his candidacy for Governor. On June 4, 1942, after paying his $250 filing fees, formally cross-filed for governor on both the Republican and Democratic tickets. He won the Republican primary, and got 404,000 votes compared to 513,000 for Olson, who had scorned to cross-file. Olson called Warren a "political eunuch, political hypocrite, puppet pretender not fit or competent to be governor." Warren seized upon a split in the Democratic ranks. FDR offered only tepid support for Olson.

In February 1942, FDR issued Executive Order 9066, which authorized the resettlement of Japanese-Americans into concentration camps. Warren supported it, although in later years he regretted it.

In the 1942 campaign, the confident Olson campaigned by radio. Warren stumped the state, driving in an open car, often with his driver and close friend, movie actor Leo ("The Cisco Kid") Carillo, who told jokes and signed autographs. His three daughters were injected to the campaign whenever possible. Olson attacked Warren for upholding the California law which required schoolchildren to salute the flag or be expelled as delinquents. Warren coolly retorted that the Supreme Court had upheld the law and that he was enforcing the law as AG.

On November 3, 1942, Warren won 57 of 58 counties, defeating Olson by more than 342,000 votes -- 1,275,287 to 932,995 -- in a surprising upset. Olson said "Warren is the slickest politician I ever met." Warren reduced taxes in wartime, and was very popular.

In 1944 Wendell Wilkie asked Warren to be the VP candidate, but Warren declined. FDR was elected to a fourth term. FDR died April 12, 1945 of a cerebral hemorrhage at Warm Springs, Georgia.

In January 1945, Warren urged the legislature to approve a comprehensive prepaid medical and hospital care program for all California workers and their families. It would have been the first in the nation, to be financed by a 3% payroll tax. The medical establishment cried "socialism." The bill did not pass.

Warren, despite a great battle, desegregated the California National Guard.

He also fought and won a battle to improve California highways by starting a ten-year road building program, paid for by a gasoline tax. Oil, trucking, and bus industries never forgave their gubernatorial adversary.

In April 1946, Warren announced for a second term as governor. He won the Republican and the Democratic primaries, to be the candidate from both parties.

In 1946, Warren supported the reelection of a congressman from LA's Twelfth Congressional District, Jerry Voorhis, since Voorhis had supported Warren on the health insurance proposal and the battle with the oil and trucking industries. The Republican opponent, a lawyer named Richard Nixon, asked for Warren's support. Warren refused. Nixon upset Voorhis using now-famous smear tactics and demagoguery. The long-term antipathy between Warren and Nixon began here, and grew much deeper with time.

"Growth" was the watchword of Warren's 1946-1950 term. California grew to be the most populous state.

In 1947, Warren controlled the California delegation at the National Republican convention as the favorite son. He became the Vice Presidential candidate in 1948 with Dewey against Truman. He was a loyal campaigner, more effective that Dewey. The arrogant Dewey was expected to beat Truman, as shown by the famous photo of Truman holding up the newspaper headline "Dewey Beats Truman."

Warren had met Harry S. Truman in the 1930s at national Masonic conventions. They later met at several Senate hearings. They liked each other from the start.

In 1950, Warren announced for a third term as governor. Conservatives wanted him to run for the US Senate against liberal congresswoman Helen Gahagan Douglas, to get him out of Sacramento. Warren could have won, but decided he had more power as a veteran governor than as a freshman senator. Nixon ran instead, winning in a smear campaign, using a "slush fund" which later he defended in the "Checkers" speech. Nixon attacked Douglas's patriotism, calling her the "Pink Lady." Warren's democratic opponent was James Roosevelt, FDR's son. Eleanor gave speeches for James, and was furious at Truman for failing to support James out of respect for Warren.

On November 7, 1950, Warren smashed Roosevelt in the election, winning all 58 counties, the greatest electoral victory in CA history. Roosevelt was later elected to Congress, supporting Warren Court decisions.

However, on the same day, Warren was told his daughter, blonde 17-year old Nina, called "Honeybear" because she resembled a cute Koala bear, was stricken with the flu that was actually determined to be spinal poliomyelitis. Earl and Nina drove 80 miles home to the hospital. Warren did not even know he had been reelected in a landslide until the doctors told him late in the night that Honey bear was going to live.

Twelve days later, the middle daughter, Dottie, was being driven home from a college fraternity dance when her escort's car plowed into a truck that had stopped at a railroad grad crossing in a heavy fog. She suffered a punctured lung and five broken ribs. The Warrens shuttled between the two hospitals to see the girls. Honeybear's recuperation was slow but complete.

The Warrens doted on all of their children. Christmas was Dickensian. A reporter once asked Warren why his home phone number was listed in the book. "With three teenage daughters, I have no choice," he explained.

Warren's concern for children was real. He created 300 child-care centers operated by the State Dept. of Education for children of working mothers. They were mostly housed in public schools and administered by local boards of education in 51 school districts. The cost was met by the state and by parents' fees of two to six dollars weekly per child, which were uniform throughout the state. He also started the Youth Authority as an alternative to prison.

Warren took great pride in the high quality of judges he appointed to state courts.

Warren visited Japan, and invited the first group of visiting farmers to learn California farming methods at UC agricultural extension division.

Warren sat with Truman on a flag-draped dais, welcoming delegates from 52 nations to the Japanese Peace Treaty Conference at San Francisco's War Memorial Opera House.

A July 1951 Gallup Poll reported that Warren could defeat President Truman by a 52 to 39 margin. The Mystery Candidate was Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower. A conservative branch of the party was forming to back Ohio senator Robert Taft. On November 14, 1951 Warren announced that he would run for president.

However, at a Republican State Committee dinner in San Diego in early December 1951, Warren suddenly suffered severe intestinal distress and was rushed to the hospital. Malignancy was discovered, and much of his intestine was removed. He remained hospitalized for two weeks.

Taft diehards spread the rumor that Warren was dying of cancer. Rumors were spread about Warren, including that while golfing he had received a golf bag full of $92,000 bribe in cash, on a day when he could not have been anywhere near a golf course.

Then, on January 7, 1952, Eisenhower stopped being coy and said he was a Republican and announced he was running for the GOP nomination.

In the California primary, Senator Nixon pledged to support Warren, but he actually schemed and supported and campaigned for Ike. Warren won in California.

When the California delegation went to the Republican convention in Chicago by train, Nixon got off furtively at the last stop before Chicago and into a waiting car. Beating the train, Nixon was absent when the photograph of the California delegation was taken. When Warren made a courtesy call on Eisenhower, the doorkeeper was Nixon's assistant Murray Chotiner.

The first vote was surprisingly close: Ike 595, Taft 500, Warren 81, Stassen 20, and MacArthur 10. When Stassen switched to Ike, it was all over. Soon, the VP nominee, Richard Nixon, was announced. The grinning and eager Nixon was the VP candidate six brief years after first running for public office.

Warren campaigned furiously for the Ike ticket. However, he was seriously disturbed by Eisenhower's failure in Milwaukee to defend his old colleague and benefactor, General George C. Marshall, against Senator McCarthy's charges of treason. Ike's habit of mangling syntax grated on his nerves. But, he supported Ike publicly and privately over Adlai E. Stevenson.

While in California, President Truman said that the Republican party had turned away from the great liberal governor and chose another Californian ". who is not worthy to lace his shoes. ". When later asked by reporters whom he was referring to, the plain-talking Truman retorted: "Nixon! He's a no-good lying' sonofabitch!"

When Stevenson campaigned in Sacramento and Warren was out of state, Warren arranged for him to speak on the Capitol steps and even to use his office. Warren said, "No votes were ever lost by being courteous." Even if Warren would not stoop to the scurrilities used by some Republicans, Nixon did not. Nixon called Truman, Stevenson, and Secretary of State Dean Acheson traitors -- for which none of them ever forgave him. Warren focused on Ike's virtues, called Ike "warm-hearted." When Ike won, Warren was effectively out of power. He would be almost 70 in 1960, and too old to campaign and win. If he had made a "deal" such as Nixon, did, he could have been VP for California's 70 votes at the convention. Governor Warren appointed Thomas H. Kuchel, state controller, to fill Nixon's senate seat, which he held for 16 years.

Ike offered Warren the job of solicitor general, and mentioned that he would be considered for the next opening on the Supreme Court.

Suddenly and without warning, Chief Justice Frederick Moore Vinson, who had served 7 lackluster years, died. Truman had appointed his old friend and congressman to the court to bring harmony to the feuding justices. However, Vinson was unable to get the justices to agree on anything. When considering a replacement, Ike considered many possibilities. Ike's conservative older brother, Edgar, a Tacoma lawyer, assured Ike that Warren was a "leftist tool." By contrast, Milton, Ike's liberal younger brother, then president of Pennsylvania State University, advised him that Warren was a spokesman for right-wing reactionaries. The President was much reassured he invariably believed that the path of wisdom lay somewhere midway between his brothers' opinions. Warren's image seemed perfect: honest, safe, unimaginative, "progressive-conservative," popular, scandal-free. Warren could be depended not to rock the boat. Nixon urged Ike to appoint Warren, for obvious reasons. Even though Warren had announced he would not run for a fourth term as governor, the only way to be sure Warren was not a power in California politics was to put him on the Court. Also, to Eisenhower, appointing Warren as CJ would eliminate him as a presidential candidate in 1956. The only real limitation was that Warren had no judicial experience, but neither had John Marshall, Roger Taney, or Charles Evans Hughes.

Attorney General Brownell flew to California September 27, 1953 and offered the job to Warren if he could take the seat a week later, on October 5, 1953. Warren accepted. No conversation occurred about pending court cases. Since the Senate was not in session, the appointment was an "interim appointment," which meant that the Senate would consider the nomination when it next met. In the meantime, Warren took the seat.

On October 4, 1953, the Warrens flew to Washington. On October 5, 1953, at 10:00 am, the new Chief Justice arrived at the white Greek-style Supreme Court building. He entered the rear of the building in a chauffeured limousine, but, keeping promises to photographers, went out to the front of the building and posed and waved for photographs under the marble arches. The private Constitutional Oath was administered by Justice Hugo Black just before 12:00 noon. Precisely at noon, Marshall pounded the gavel, and the eight justices took their seats. Justice Black announced the death of Vinson and that there would be a memorial service later in the term. Then, the Clerk administered the Judicial Oath to the incoming Chief Justice. Marshall then led the new Chief Justice to the center seat. The neophyte justice tripped over the long, borrowed robe. A mishap was averted when he quickly recovered his balance. "Yes, I literally stumbled into the Court," he later chuckled. Shortly thereafter, the Court adjourned until the following Monday.

The Court, except for Warren, were all appointed by FDR or Truman. They ranged from very liberal to very conservative, and several could not stand some of the others.

The two all-out liberals were: Hugo Black, first New Deal nominee, ex-Klu Klux Klansman, Alabama US Senator and First Amendment diehard and William O, Douglas, former Yale law professor, chairman of the SEC, and environmentalist.

The three moderates were: Robert J. Jackson, FDR Attorney General and IRS general counsel Tom C. Clark, ex-Attorney General and poker-playing pal of Truman and Sherman Minton, a dour, undistinguished former 7th Circuit US Court of Appeals jurist and senator from Indiana.

The three conservatives were: Stanley Reed, an aging Kentucky former solicitor general and New Dealer who had moved sharply to the right Harold H. Burton, a plodding former Republican senator from Ohio and ex-mayor of Cleveland and the brilliant Felix Frankfurter, formerly an ultraliberal Harvard law professor and founder of the ACLU, but who had grown increasingly conservative on the Court.

Despite their egos and different backgrounds, Warren persuaded all of them to unanimously vote against school segregation in Brown v Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas.

The "Warren Court" was famous for decisions for criminal defendants' individual rights against the government, for personal privacy, and for freedom of speech, even unpopular speech.

Years later, Eisenhower said the appointment of Warren was "one of the two biggest mistakes I made in my Administration." It is not clear what or who Eisenhower then believed his other mistake had been. He was later quoted as called the Warren appointment "my biggest damn-fool mistake."

On November 29, 1963, President Johnson signed Executive Order 11130 creating the seven-man President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy (which, two weeks later, Congress and the President signed into law as Public Law 88-202). The Order said:
The purposes of the Commission are to examine the evidence developed the Federal
Bureau of Investigation and any additional evidence that may hereafter come to light or
be uncovered by Federal or state authorities to make such further investigation as the
Commission finds desirable to evaluate all the facts and circumstances surrounding such
assassination, including the subsequent violent death of the man charged with the
assassination, and to report to me its findings and conclusions.

The Commission is empowered to prescribe its own procedures and to employ such
assistants as it deems necessary.
Necessary expenses of the Commission may be paid from the "Emergency Fund for the
President." All Executive departments and agencies are directed to furnish the
Commission with such facilities, services and cooperation as it may request from time to

The members of the commission:
Chief Justice Earl Warren

Conservative bachelor Democratic Senator Richard B. Russell of Georgia had served continuously in the Senate for thirty years. As sixty-six, he was the influential chairman of the Armed Services Committee. An articulate opponent of the desegregation decisions, Russell had been sought by President Johnson to serve with Warren on the commission as a sign of national unity.

Liberal Republican Senator John Sherman Cooper, 62, later Ambassador to India and Nepal and a U.S. Delegate to the United Nations, had been a county and state circuit judge in his native Kentucky.

Middle-road Democratic Representative Hale Boggs, 50, of New Orleans, the Majority Whip, was first elected to Congress in 1940 at age 26. After a World War II stint, he was returned to the House, where he served for many years. [When he died in a plane crash, his widow was elected to his seat for many years. Their daughter is ABC reporter/broadcaster Cokie Roberts.]

Conservative Republican Representative Gerald R. Ford of Grand Rapids, Michigan, 50, was the new chairman of the House GOP Association as one of the House's most effective members. Earlier, in 1950, the U.S. Junior Chamber of Commerce had named him one of the ten outstanding young men in the United States.

Allen W. Dulles, 70, the conservative Republican brother of late Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, had been replaced in 1961 as director of the CIA when President Kennedy entered office. During World War II Dulles had worked for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), and had recently published his book, The Craft of Intelligence.

Republican lawyer John J. McCloy, 68, had been High Commissioner for Germany (1949-1952), President of the World Bank (1947-2949), Assistant Secretary of War (1941-1945) and chairman of New York's Rockefeller-dominated Chase Manhattan Bank. During the Cuban missile crisis, he had headed a presidential team which had negotiated with the Soviet Union.

Wearing two administrative hats, Warren divided his time between the commission and the Supreme Court. He worked long into the night and then appeared at the Court early in the morning.

Most of the criticism of the Commission Report concerns Oswald's past history and associations, and the ballistic and medical evidence relating to the crime itself. Even today, the facts appear murky, especially concerning Oswald's "Cuban connection," and the so-called "miracle bullet."

Warren was criticized for not releasing photographs of the President's exploded head and grisly wounds. He defended his actions as the "proper thing to do." Conspiracy theorists point to this secrecy as some evidence of a great conspiracy.

Until Jack Ruby died of cancer in January 1967 in prison, he steadfastly maintained that he was no conspirator that he had killed Oswald solely in a desire to spare Jacqueline Kennedy from the ordeal of a Dallas trial at which she would have been compelled to be a witness.

Earl Warren believed Jack Ruby. But millions of people throughout the world to this day still do not.

On Thursday, September 24, 1964, President Johnson received a one-sentence letter and a 888-page report.

Warren had 28 investigators working for ten months, besides the FBI and other agencies, and found nothing. The report did say that the commission had found no evidence of a conspiracy if there is any such evidence, it has been beyond the reach of all the investigative agencies and resources of the United States and has not come to the attention of the Commission.

At first, the report was greatly praised. However, since then, conspiracy theories have sprang up.

In February, 1967 six-foot-six New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison, known as the "Jolly Green Giant," arrested a socially prominent businessman Clay Shaw, whom he accused of being a homosexual, and tried to link him with an Oswald-Ruby-FBI-CIA plot to kill President Kennedy. Garrison boasted that the Warren Commission report was now discredited. Two years later, a jury deliberated less than an hour and acquitted Shaw after a bizarre forty-day trial in which Garrison was accused of bribing, drugging and hypnotizing witnesses.

By May 1967 Esquire magazine could cite at least sixty different assassination theories that had already been published in book or magazine form, none of which agreed with the commission's finding. Gallup and Harris polls reported that two out of three Americans queried did not believe that the report "had told the full story."

In 1968, after Nixon was elected, Warren announced his retirement from the court to allow President Johnson to appoint his successor. Many names were suggested. Billy Graham recommended Texas Governor John Connally.

The new appointee had to take the seat before January 20, 1969, when Nixon would take office.

On June 26, 1968 President Johnson read and released Warren's two June 13 letters, his June 26 reply, and announced that he had named Associate Justice Abe Fortas to succeed Warren. To Fortas' seat, Johnson appointed another old friend, Judge Homer Thornberry, a 59-year old former Mayor of Austin, Texas, and successor to Johnson's seat in the House.

On July 11 the Senate Judiciary Committee opened hearings. Shortsightedly, Fortas accepted the Judiciary Committee's invitation to testify. He was the first CJ nominee in history ever to do so. Warren had declined to do so, letting his record speak for him. Senators could not impeach Warren, but they whiplashed Fortas for cronyism with LBJ and drew him into a discussion and defense of several Warren Court decisions, many of which were decided before Fortas had joined the Court. On September 13, the embattled and embarrassed Fortas wrote Mississippi Senator Eastland, the anti-Warren Court Judiciary Committee chairman, that he would no longer testify. The full Judiciary Committee finally approved the Fortas nomination 11-6, moving it to the Senate floor. A coalition of southern Democrats and Republicans, urged on by Nixon, began a filibuster which could not be stopped by sufficient votes for cloture. Fortas wrote to LBJ requesting that his nomination be withdrawn. Immediately LBJ complied with deep regret. Everybody then besieged LBJ with a new nominee, but the proud old Texan refused to name a Fortas substitute.

There was no vacant chair when the 1968-1969 Supreme Court term opened on October 7. Associate Justice Fortas took his seat, and the 77-year old Warren took the stormy center seat. The issue remained: what was Warren's status? His letter of resignation did not state a date, it was "effective at your pleasure." Republican senators, such as Everett Dirkson, said no further letters were required the new president could accept it immediately upon taking office.

On January 20, 1969, the Chief Justice administered the presidential oath of office to his lifelong political enemy. The ceremony seemed to mark the twilight of Earl Warren's public career and the resurrection and apogee of Richard Nixon's.

The two men were polite to each other. Warren had voted against Nixon for president twice, for Kennedy in 1960 and for Humphrey in 1968, and he would later vote for McGovern in 1972.

Fortas was then further embarrassed by impropriety, and resigned from the Court. Nixon then had two vacancies to fill. Nixon named Warren Burger as CJ.

Warren resigned effective June 23, 1969. For the first time in history, a President, in eulogizing a departing Justice, would address the Supreme Court. Clad in striped trousers and a cutaway coat, Nixon walked to the lawyer's lectern facing the bench. For seven minutes the President spoke on the dignity, fairness, integrity, and humanity of his retiring rival. Earl Warren, he said, had helped to keep America on the path of continuity and change which is so essential to our progress. Warren then thanked Nixon for his words, reminding him that the Supreme Court was a continuing body. The fourteenth Chief Justice of the United States beckoned his successor and administered the hundred-word oath of office to him. Everyone rose. Following the ceremony, the President and two Chief Justices posed for photographers on the Supreme Court steps, flanked by the massive marble pillars. All smiled dutifully for continuity and history.

In 1969, Nixon appointed Clement J. Haynsworth, Jr. of Greenville, South Carolina, the conservative Chief Justice of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. An alliance of AFL-CIO and civil rights groups, angry over the Fortas mess, opposed him. An old story was circulated that he had ruled in a case in which he had financial interest. Although the accusation fell short of suggesting that Haynsworth was guilty of illegality, the hint of impropriety was enough to reject him by a vote of 55-45.

On January 19, 1970, Nixon tried again with G. Harold Carswell, a judge on the Fifth Circuit in Tallahassee, Florida. Civil rights groups accused him of having publicly advocated segregation and white supremacy. Legal scholars gave his judicial record low marks. Louis H. Pollak, Dean of Yale Law School, and William Van Alstyne, Professor of Law at Duke University, both told the Senate Judiciary Committee that Carswell's abilities were at best "mediocre." This prompted Republican Senator Roman Hruska of Nebraska to defend Carswell in on of the most extraordinary rebuttals in Senate history: "Even if he is mediocre, there are a lot of mediocre judges and people and lawyers and they are entitled to a little representation, aren't they? We can't have all Brandeises and Cardozos and Frankfurters and stuff like that." The Senate rejected him 51-45.

Nixon decided to retaliate against the liberal Justice William O. Douglas. John Mitchell was assigned the task of uncovering evidence against Douglas, and House Republican Leader Gerald Ford was designated to present it in the most inflammatory way possible. On April 15,1 a mere week after the Carswell nomination, Ford rose on the House floor and demanded that Justice Douglas be impeached. He charged that Douglas had accepted and annual $12,000 retainer from a foundation with gambling connections that Douglas had failed to disqualify himself from hearing cases in which he had a personal interest that he had been paid to give legal advice in violation of Federal law that he had contributed an article to a "pornographic" magazine and that he had written a book advocating "hippie-yippie style revolution." Ford charged further that Douglas had personally "defied the conventions and convictions of decent Americans" by behaving like a "dirty old man by consorting with all those women, even if he did marry them." "An impeachable offense," he said, "is whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history."

This intemperate and scurrilous speech from an ordinarily genial lawmaker sparked a seven-month investigation by a House Judiciary subcommittee. In the end, the subcommittee voted 3-1 that it found no evidence to support Ford's charges and that there were no grounds for impeachment.

In June 1970 at the University of Santa Clara commencement exercises, Warren in a speech said, "Some would supplant a part of our freedoms with policies of repression in an effort to establish what they would euphemistically call 'Law and Order.' Others would destroy all our institutions in the name of reform and still greater freedoms. But the four most meaningful words in the Constitution for the disadvantaged are 'due process' and 'equal protection.' . "

On May 11, 1974, Warren again delivered the commencement address at the University of Santa Clara.

On May 23, 1974, he returned to Washington and was hospitalized. He had asked to be treated at Bethesda Naval Hospital. If he were a sitting Justice, he could have been admitted to any Federal military hospital, but as a retired Justice, his admission required Executive approval. President Nixon was requested to sign such an order, but he refused to do so, Warren later told hospital visitor Arthur Goldberg.

After Warren was admitted to the Georgetown University Hospital, tormented Richard Nixon had second thoughts. The White House physician offered to transfer Warren to Bethesda, but the proud Warren declined the offer. Warren was to have spoken at graduation at UC Santa Cruz, but he was unable to make the trip. He sent a long letter on May 30, 1974 with what he would have said in his speech.

On June 2, 1974, Warren was discharged to convalesce at home. On July 2, 1974, he was rushed back to the Georgetown Hospital. He was diagnosed with coronary insufficiency and congestive heart failure.

The day before, Governor Ronald Reagan vetoed, in and $10 billion budget, a modest $45,000 legislative appropriation to complete the four-year-old Earl Warren Oral History project in Berkeley, despite an estimated $400 million state surplus.

At 8:10 pm on the warm Washington evening of July 9, 1974, Earl Warren, eighty-three, died of cardiac arrest. Nina, his devoted wife of forty-nine years, and their youngest daughter, Mrs. Stuart Brien, who was visiting from California, were at his bedside.

Before his death, Warren hoped that the Supreme Court would do its duty and uphold Judge Sirica's order that President Nixon surrender the audio tapes which contained the evidence in the Watergate scandal. He died not knowing the decision.

On July 11 and July 12, 1974, the body of Earl Warren lay in state in the white-marbled Great Foyer of the United States Supreme Court, in a flag-draped bronze coffin. It was the first time in American history that a deceased Justice had been so honored. The black velvet-covered catafalque included a section used for Abraham Lincoln. To permit loan of this stand, both houses of Congress had passed special resolutions within ninety minutes. Nine thousand persons filed past to say farewell.

Nine present Justices and four former ones lined up on the descending marble steps as honorary pallbearers. There was an hour-long funeral service in Washington's National Cathedral on Friday, July 12, 1974. More than a thousand person crowded the Cathedral. The funeral service brought together President Nixon and all the Justices who four days earlier had heard the Watergate tape case which would determine his presidency. When the service concluded, President Nixon escorted the black-veiled widow from the quiet Cathedral before returning to his own unquiet White House.

Earl Warren's body was buried on a grassy knoll in Arlington National Cemetery. One-time First Lieutenant Warren was buried with full military honors. The flag was handed to Chief Justice Burger who handed it to the widow.

Twelve day later, Chief Justice Burger opened the July 24 session of the Supreme Court with a eulogy to his predecessor. It was appropriate, for on that day, the court had indeed "done its duty." The vote on United States v Nixon was a unanimous 8-0 (Rehnquist had disqualified himself since he had worked on the case in the Justice Department.) The President could not withhold the controversial tapes on the grounds of "executive privilege," the Court noted, and must surrender them forthwith. The opinion was written by Chief Justice Burger himself. The President, after hearing the decision, reportedly blazed with unprintable fury at his San Clemente retreat, shouting that Burger was no better than Warren.

Three days later, on July 27, the House Judiciary Committee recommended to the full House three articles of impeachment against the President. The vote was 27-11. It voted 38-0 that he had obstructed justice. On August 5, the President reluctantly surrendered the disputed tapes. They indicated that, despite his lies, Nixon had knowledge of the Watergate burglary six days after it had occurred. Four days after the release of the tapes, on August 9, 1974, President Nixon resigned rather than endure certain impeachment (accusation) by the House and probable conviction by the Senate. His resignation followed Chief Justice Warren's death by precisely one month.

That the jurist would have greeted this resolution of a constitutional crisis and national nightmare with the profoundest relief is beyond doubt.

In a rare interview shortly before his death, Warren was furious about the Watergate revelations. "Nixon's not important," affirmed the old man. "The country, the country is important. But it's going to rot under Tricky." He sighed and then added that his twenty-eight-year political adversary was the most reprehensible President in American history, who had abused not only the office but, perhaps even worse, the American people. "It's difficult to conceive of anyone living to be eighty-three and having no regrets." Then he turned to his visitor and, in a voice choking with emotion, said: "If I had ever known what was going to happen to this country -- and this Court -- I never would have resigned. They would have had to carry me out of here on a plank!"

Warren's plain words are now engraved on his tombstone:

. Where there is injustice, we should correct it

where there is poverty, we should eliminate it

where there is corruption, we should stamp it out

where there is violence, we should punish it

where there is neglect, we should provide care
where there is war, we should restore peace and

wherever corrections are achieved, we should add them permanently to our storehouse of treasures.

On August 24, 1955, less than two years after being appointed to the Supreme Court, Earl Warren spoke these unconsciously prophetic words in Independence Hall in Philadelphia on the occasion of the John Marshall Bicentennial Ceremonies, which apply so well to Earl Warren himself:

The controversy which raged around Marshall during his long career quickly subsided at this death and he soon became judged by the rule of reason rather than the rule of perfection. Today we appraise him as we do a lofty mountain peak -- not by the crevices, jagged rocks and slides that are so apparent at close view, but by the height, the symmetry and grandeur it acquires in the perspective of the distance. Thus viewed, John Marshall stands out as a colossus among the giants of his time.

Earl Warren

Undated photograph of Warren. Photo by Harris & Ewing photography firm, whose works have all lapsed into the public domain. (via wikipedia) Earl Warren (March 19, 1891–July 9, 1974) was an attorney, Deputy District Attorney and District Attorney for the City of Oakland, Attorney General of California, Governor of California, Republican Vice Presidential nominee, and Chief Justice of the United States. Most notably, while Warren was Chief Justice, the court banned segregation in schools in the landmark ruling in Brown v. Board of Education.

Earl Warren was born in Los Angeles and raised in Bakersfield. His WWI draft card in 1917-18 lists his address as 2174 39th Avenue, Oakland and his employer as Robinson & Robinson & Price in the First National Bank Building. He married Nina Elizabeth Palmquist Meyers in 1925, and they had had a bunch of children. The 1930 census lists his address as 958 Lakeshore. The 1940 census and his WWII draft card in 1942 list his address as 88 Vernon Street, since at least 1935.

As a young attorney, Warren worked at the Oakland law firm of Robinson & Robinson before enlisting in the U.S. Army in August 1917 to serve during WWI. After his military service Warren was a California Judicial Committee clerk and then served as Deputy City Attorney for the City of Oakland from 1920 to 1925. This was followed by his appointment as District Attorney for Alameda County, for which he was reelected to three four year terms from 1925 to 1939.

Although District Attorney Warren was tough on crime, none of his convictions were ever overturned.

As California District Attorney, Warren was "the moving force" behind the WWII internment of Japanese Americans. He later said he:

"since deeply regretted the removal order and my own testimony advocating it, because it was not in keeping with our American concept of freedom and the rights of citizens. Whenever I thought of the innocent little children who were torn from home, school friends, and congenial surroundings, I was conscience-stricken. [i]t was wrong to react so impulsively, without positive evidence of disloyalty." 1

From 1934 to 1943, Earl and his family lived at 88 Vernon Street, in what is now Clausen House, home to developmentally disabled adults. The Earl Warren House was designated City of Oakland Landmark #30 on December 4, 1979. Earn Warren also lived at 924 Larkspur Road within the Lakeshore Homes Association and part of the Trestle Glen neighborhood.

Warren's grave. (photo CC BY 2.0 by cliff1066™)

List of Republican National Conventions

Note: Conventions whose nominees won the subsequent presidential election are shaded in pink.

Dates [1] Year Location Temporary Chair Permanent Chair Number of
Presidential Nominee Vice Presidential Nominee
June 17–19 1856 Musical Fund Hall Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Robert Emmett of New York Henry S. Lane of Indiana 2 John C. Frémont of California William L. Dayton of New Jersey
May 16–18 1860 Wigwam Chicago, Illinois David Wilmot of Pennsylvania George Ashmun of Massachusetts 3 Abraham Lincoln of Illinois Hannibal Hamlin of Maine
June 7–8 1864 1 Front Street Theatre Baltimore, Maryland Robert Breckinridge of Kentucky William Dennison of Ohio 1 Abraham Lincoln of Illinois Andrew Johnson of Tennessee
May 20–21 1868 2 Crosby's Opera House Chicago, Illinois Carl Schurz of Missouri Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut 1 Ulysses S. Grant of Ohio Schuyler Colfax of Indiana
June 5–6 1872 2 Academy of Music Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Morton McMichael of Pennsylvania Thomas Settle of North Carolina 1 Ulysses S. Grant of Ohio Henry Wilson of Massachusetts
June 14–16 1876 Exposition Hall Cincinnati, Ohio Theodore M. Pomeroy of New York Edward McPherson of Pennsylvania 7 Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio* William A. Wheeler of New York*
June 2–8 1880 Interstate Exposition Building Chicago, Illinois George F. Hoar of Massachusetts George F. Hoar of Massachusetts 36 James A. Garfield of Ohio Chester A. Arthur of New York
June 3–6 1884 Exposition Hall Chicago, Illinois John R. Lynch of Mississippi John B. Henderson of Missouri 4 James G. Blaine of Maine John A. Logan of Illinois
June 19–25 1888 Auditorium Theatre Chicago, Illinois John M. Thurston of Nebraska Morris M. Estee of California 8 Benjamin Harrison of Ohio* Levi P. Morton of New York*
June 7–10 1892 Industrial Exposition Building Minneapolis, Minnesota J. Sloat Fassett of New York William McKinley of Ohio 1 Benjamin Harrison of Ohio Whitelaw Reid of New York
June 16–18 1896 St. Louis Exposition and Music Hall St. Louis, Missouri Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana John M. Thurston of Nebraska 1 William McKinley of Ohio Garret Hobart of New Jersey
June 19–21 1900 Convention Hall Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Edward O. Wolcott of Colorado Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts 1 William McKinley of Ohio Theodore Roosevelt of New York
June 21–23 1904 Chicago Coliseum Chicago, Illinois Elihu Root of New York Joseph G. Cannon of Illinois 1 Theodore Roosevelt of New York Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana
June 16–19 1908 Chicago Coliseum Chicago, Illinois Julius C. Burrows of Michigan Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts 1 William Howard Taft of Ohio James S. Sherman of New York
June 18–22 1912 Chicago Coliseum Chicago, Illinois Elihu Root of New York Elihu Root of New York 1 William Howard Taft of Ohio James S. Sherman of New York 3
June 7–10 1916 Chicago Coliseum Chicago, Illinois Warren G. Harding of Ohio Warren G. Harding of Ohio 3 Charles Evans Hughes of New York Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana
June 8–12 1920 Chicago Coliseum Chicago, Illinois Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts 10 Warren G. Harding of Ohio Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts
June 10–12 1924 Public Auditorium Cleveland, Ohio Theodore E. Burton of Ohio Frank W. Mondell of Wyoming 1 Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts Charles G. Dawes of Illinois
June 12–15 1928 Convention Hall Kansas City, Missouri Simeon D. Fess of Ohio George H. Moses of New Hampshire 1 Herbert Hoover of California Charles Curtis of Kansas
June 14–16 1932 Chicago Stadium Chicago, Illinois Lester J. Dickinson of Iowa Bertrand Snell of New York 1 Herbert Hoover of California Charles Curtis of Kansas
June 9–12 1936 Public Auditorium Cleveland, Ohio Frederick Steiwer of Oregon Bertrand Snell of New York 1 Alf Landon of Kansas Frank Knox of Illinois
June 24–28 1940 Convention Hall Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Harold Stassen of Minnesota Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts 6 Wendell Willkie of New York Charles L. McNary of Oregon
June 26–28 1944 Chicago Stadium Chicago, Illinois Earl Warren of California Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts 1 Thomas E. Dewey of New York John W. Bricker of Ohio
June 21–25 1948 Convention Hall Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Dwight Green of Illinois Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts 3 Thomas E. Dewey of New York Earl Warren of California
July 7–11 1952 International Amphitheatre Chicago, Illinois Walter S. Hallanan of West Virginia Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts 1 Dwight D. Eisenhower of New York Richard Nixon of California
August 20–23 1956 Cow Palace Daly City, California William F. Knowland of California Joseph W. Martin of Massachusetts 1 Dwight D. Eisenhower of Pennsylvania Richard Nixon of California
July 25–28 1960 International Amphitheatre Chicago, Illinois Cecil Underwood of West Virginia Charles Halleck of Indiana 1 Richard Nixon of California Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. of Massachusetts
July 13–16 1964 Cow Palace Daly City, California Mark Hatfield of Oregon Thruston Morton of Kentucky 1 Barry Goldwater of Arizona William E. Miller of New York
August 5–8 1968 Miami Beach Convention Center Miami Beach, Florida Edward Brooke of Massachusetts Gerald Ford of Michigan 1 Richard Nixon of New York Spiro Agnew of Maryland
August 21–23 1972 Miami Beach Convention Center Miami Beach, Florida 4 Gerald Ford of Michigan Ronald Reagan of California 1 Richard Nixon of California Spiro Agnew of Maryland
August 16–19 1976 Kemper Arena Kansas City, Missouri Bob Dole of Kansas John J. Rhodes of Arizona 1 Gerald Ford of Michigan Bob Dole of Kansas
July 14–17 1980 Joe Louis Arena Detroit, Michigan Nancy Kassebaum of Kansas John J. Rhodes of Arizona 1 Ronald Reagan of California George H. W. Bush of Texas
August 20–23 1984 Dallas Convention Center Dallas, Texas Howard Baker of Tennessee Bob Michel of Illinois 1 Ronald Reagan of California George H. W. Bush of Texas
August 15–18 1988 Louisiana Superdome New Orleans, Louisiana Elizabeth Dole of Kansas Bob Michel of Illinois 1 George H. W. Bush of Texas Dan Quayle of Indiana
August 17–20 1992 Astrodome Houston, Texas Kay Bailey Hutchison of Texas Bob Michel of Illinois 1 George H. W. Bush of Texas Dan Quayle of Indiana
August 12–15 1996 San Diego Convention Center San Diego, California George W. Bush of Texas
Christine Todd Whitman of New Jersey
Newt Gingrich of Georgia 1 Bob Dole of Kansas Jack Kemp of Maryland
July 31–August 3 2000 First Union Center Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Trent Lott of Mississippi Dennis Hastert of Illinois 1 George W. Bush of Texas* Dick Cheney of Wyoming*
August 30–September 2 2004 Madison Square Garden New York City, New York Linda Lingle of Hawaii Dennis Hastert of Illinois 1 George W. Bush of Texas Dick Cheney of Wyoming
September 1–4 2008 Xcel Energy Center Saint Paul, Minnesota Mitch McConnell of Kentucky John Boehner of Ohio 1 John McCain of Arizona Sarah Palin of Alaska
August 27–30 2012 Tampa Bay Times Forum Tampa, Florida Mitch McConnell of Kentucky John Boehner of Ohio 1 Mitt Romney of Massachusetts Paul Ryan of Wisconsin
July 18–21 2016 Quicken Loans Arena Cleveland, Ohio Mitch McConnell of Kentucky Paul Ryan of Wisconsin 1 Donald Trump of New York* Mike Pence of Indiana*
August 24–27 2020 Charlotte Convention Center Charlotte, North Carolina (Day 1)
Various locations remotely (Days 2–4) 5
TBD TBD 1 Donald Trump of Florida Mike Pence of Indiana

*Won the election despite losing the popular vote.
1 This convention was known as the National Union Convention.
2 This convention was known as the National Union Republican Convention.
3 Sherman, who had been elected Vice President in 1908, died six days before the 1912 election he was subsequently replaced as Republican Vice-presidential nominee by Nicholas M. Butler of New York.
4 Originally scheduled for the San Diego Sports Arena in San Diego, California and for August 14–16.
5 Originally scheduled for the Spectrum Center in Charlotte, North Carolina, but the venue was changed due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The History of Republican Evil

The Republican Party was formed in 1854 specifically to oppose the Democrats, and for more than 150 years, they have done everything they could to block the Democrat agenda. In their abuses of power, they have even used threats and military violence to thwart the Democrat Party’s attempts to make this a progressive country. As you read the following Republican atrocities that span three centuries, imagine if you will, what a far different nation the United States would be had not the Republicans been around to block the Democrats’ efforts.

March 20, 1854
Opponents of Democrats’ pro-slavery policies meet in Ripon, Wisconsin to establish the Republican Party

May 30, 1854
Democrat President Franklin Pierce signs Democrats’ Kansas-Nebraska Act, expanding slavery into U.S. territories opponents unite to form the Republican Party

June 16, 1854
Newspaper editor Horace Greeley calls on opponents of slavery to unite in the Republican Party

July 6, 1854
First state Republican Party officially organized in Jackson, Michigan, to oppose Democrats’ pro-slavery policies

February 11, 1856
Republican Montgomery Blair argues before U.S. Supreme Court on behalf of his client, the slave Dred Scott later served in President Lincoln’s Cabinet

February 22, 1856
First national meeting of the Republican Party, in Pittsburgh, to coordinate opposition to Democrats’ pro-slavery policies

March 27, 1856
First meeting of Republican National Committee in Washington, DC to oppose Democrats’ pro-slavery policies

May 22, 1856
For denouncing Democrats’ pro-slavery policy, Republican U.S. Senator Charles Sumner (R-MA) is beaten nearly to death on floor of Senate by U.S. Rep. Preston Brooks (D-SC), takes three years to recover

March 6, 1857
Republican Supreme Court Justice John McLean issues strenuous dissent from decision by 7 Democrats in infamous Dred Scott case that African-Americans had no rights “which any white man was bound to respect”

June 26, 1857
Abraham Lincoln declares Republican position that slavery is “cruelly wrong,” while Democrats “cultivate and excite hatred” for blacks

October 13, 1858
During Lincoln-Douglas debates, U.S. Senator Stephen Douglas (D-IL) states: “I do not regard the Negro as my equal, and positively deny that he is my brother, or any kin to me whatever” Douglas became Democratic Party’s 1860 presidential nominee

October 25, 1858
U.S. Senator William Seward (R-NY) describes Democratic Party as “inextricably committed to the designs of the slaveholders” as President Abraham Lincoln’s Secretary of State, helped draft Emancipation Proclamation

June 4, 1860
Republican U.S. Senator Charles Sumner (R-MA) delivers his classic address, The Barbarism of Slavery

April 7, 1862
President Lincoln concludes treaty with Britain for suppression of slave trade

April 16, 1862
President Lincoln signs bill abolishing slavery in District of Columbia in Congress, 99% of Republicans vote yes, 83% of Democrats vote no

July 2, 1862
U.S. Rep. Justin Morrill (R-VT) wins passage of Land Grant Act, establishing colleges open to African-Americans, including such students as George Washington Carver

July 17, 1862
Over unanimous Democrat opposition, Republican Congress passes Confiscation Act stating that slaves of the Confederacy “shall be forever free”

August 19, 1862
Republican newspaper editor Horace Greeley writes Prayer of Twenty Millions, calling on President Lincoln to declare emancipation

August 25, 1862
President Abraham Lincoln authorizes enlistment of African-American soldiers in U.S. Army

September 22, 1862
Republican President Abraham Lincoln issues Emancipation Proclamation

January 1, 1863
Emancipation Proclamation, implementing the Republicans’ Confiscation Act of 1862, takes effect

February 9, 1864
Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton deliver over 100,000 signatures to U.S. Senate supporting Republicans’ plans for constitutional amendment to ban slavery

June 15, 1864
Republican Congress votes equal pay for African-American troops serving in U.S. Army during Civil War

June 28, 1864
Republican majority in Congress repeals Fugitive Slave Acts

October 29, 1864
African-American abolitionist Sojourner Truth says of President Lincoln: “I never was treated by anyone with more kindness and cordiality than were shown to me by that great and good man”

January 31, 1865
13th Amendment banning slavery passed by U.S. House with unanimous Republican support, intense Democrat opposition

March 3, 1865
Republican Congress establishes Freedmen’s Bureau to provide health care, education, and technical assistance to emancipated slaves

April 8, 1865
13th Amendment banning slavery passed by U.S. Senate with 100% Republican support, 63% Democrat opposition

June 19, 1865
On “Juneteenth,” U.S. troops land in Galveston, TX to enforce ban on slavery that had been declared more than two years before by the Emancipation Proclamation

While researching Juneteenth, I found almost no mention of the troops under Union general Gordon Granger, who were sent to Galveston to ENFORCE the ban on slavery. History revisionists would have you believe that General Granger was a glorified messenger boy. But he was the Union general put in charge of Texas. When he read the Emancipation Proclamation in Galveston, he was also reading the riot act, and he rode ahead of enough troops to put down any resistance. The Emancipation Proclamation had gone into effect two-and-a -half years earlier and the Civil War had been over for two months. It is absolutely unbelievable that Texas slaveholders -- or Texas slaves -- would have been totally ignorant of this. I mean, Texas isn't the name of another planet. They had telegraphs and newspapers and word of mouth. They didn't need a Union general to inform them of world events. A messenger who was sent to Texas to inform people of emancipation was killed. It is thought the plantation owners wanted their slaves for one more harvest.Astoundingly, the Democrats seem to have hijacked this day as their own. What follows is a statement that was posted on a Juneteenth Web site a few years ago.

Scuse me?? The Democratic Party remains committed to fighting for equality? When the did this happen? Wasn't it the Democratic Party that fought on the side of slavery? Wasn't it the Democratic Party that fought against EVERY attempt to institute equality in our schools, our workplaces and our neighborhoods, right through the 1964 Civil Rights Act? At what point in our history did the Democratic party -- the party of slavery, the party of segregation, the party of the Ku Klux Klan -- become this nation's champion of liberty?Talk about an Extreme Makeover! By the way, you won't find a statement from the head of the RNC on that site. Apparently, the Republican party had nothing to do with freeing the slaves.

November 22, 1865
Republicans denounce Democrat legislature of Mississippi for enacting “black codes,” which institutionalized racial discrimination

December 6, 1865
Republican Party’s 13th Amendment, banning slavery, is ratified

February 5, 1866
U.S. Rep. Thaddeus Stevens (R-PA) introduces legislation, successfully opposed by Democrat President Andrew Johnson, to implement 󈬘 acres and a mule” relief by distributing land to former slaves

April 9, 1866
Republican Congress overrides Democrat President Johnson’s veto Civil Rights Act of 1866, conferring rights of citizenship on African-Americans, becomes law

April 19, 1866
Thousands assemble in Washington, DC to celebrate Republican Party’s abolition of slavery

May 10, 1866
U.S. House passes Republicans’ 14th Amendment guaranteeing due process and equal protection of the laws to all citizens 100% of Democrats vote no

June 8, 1866
U.S. Senate passes Republicans’ 14th Amendment guaranteeing due process and equal protection of the law to all citizens 94% of Republicans vote yes and 100% of Democrats vote no

July 16, 1866
Republican Congress overrides Democrat President Andrew Johnson’s veto of Freedman's Bureau Act, which protected former slaves from “black codes” denying their rights

July 28, 1866
Republican Congress authorizes formation of the Buffalo Soldiers, two regiments of African-American cavalrymen

July 30, 1866
Democrat-controlled City of New Orleans orders police to storm racially-integrated Republican meeting raid kills 40 and wounds more than 150

January 8, 1867
Republicans override Democrat President Andrew Johnson’s veto of law granting voting rights to African-Americans in D.C.

July 19, 1867
Republican Congress overrides Democrat President Andrew Johnson’s veto of legislation protecting voting rights of African-Americans

March 30, 1868
Republicans begin impeachment trial of Democrat President Andrew Johnson, who declared: “This is a country for white men, and by God, as long as I am President, it shall be a government of white men”

May 20, 1868
Republican National Convention marks debut of African-American politicians on national stage two – Pinckney Pinchback and James Harris – attend as delegates, and several serve as presidential electors

September 3, 1868
25 African-Americans in Georgia legislature, all Republicans, expelled by Democrat majority later reinstated by Republican Congress

September 12, 1868
Civil rights activist Tunis Campbell and all other African-Americans in Georgia Senate, every one a Republican, expelled by Democrat majority would later be reinstated by Republican Congress

September 28, 1868
Democrats in Opelousas, Louisiana murder nearly 300 African-Americans who tried to prevent an assault against a Republican newspaper editor

October 7, 1868
Republicans denounce Democratic Party’s national campaign theme: “This is a white man’s country: Let white men rule”

October 22, 1868
While campaigning for re-election, Republican U.S. Rep. James Hinds (R-AR) is assassinated by Democrat terrorists who organized as the Ku Klux Klan

November 3, 1868
Republican Ulysses Grant defeats Democrat Horatio Seymour in presidential election Seymour had denounced Emancipation Proclamation

December 10, 1869
Republican Gov. John Campbell of Wyoming Territory signs FIRST-in-nation law granting women right to vote and to hold public office

February 3, 1870
After passing House with 98% Republican support and 97% Democrat opposition, Republicans’ 15th Amendment is ratified, granting vote to all Americans regardless of race

May 19, 1870
African-American John Langston, law professor and future Republican Congressman from Virginia, delivers influential speech supporting President Ulysses Grant’s civil rights policies

May 31, 1870
President U.S. Grant signs Republicans’ Enforcement Act, providing stiff penalties for depriving any American’s civil rights

June 22, 1870
Republican Congress creates U.S. Department of Justice, to safeguard the civil rights of African-Americans against Democrats in the South

September 6, 1870
Women vote in Wyoming, in FIRST election after women’s suffrage signed into law by Republican Gov. John Campbell

February 28, 1871
Republican Congress passes Enforcement Act providing federal protection for African-American voters

March 22, 1871
Spartansburg Republican newspaper denounces Ku Klux Klan campaign to eradicate the Republican Party in South Carolina

April 20, 1871
Republican Congress enacts the Ku Klux Klan Act, outlawing Democratic Party-affiliated terrorist groups which oppressed African-Americans

October 10, 1871
Following warnings by Philadelphia Democrats against black voting, African-American Republican civil rights activist Octavius Catto murdered by Democratic Party operative his military funeral was attended by thousands

October 18, 1871
After violence against Republicans in South Carolina, President Ulysses Grant deploys U.S. troops to combat Democrat terrorists who formed the Ku Klux Klan

November 18, 1872
Susan B. Anthony arrested for voting, after boasting to Elizabeth Cady Stanton that she voted for “the Republican ticket, straight”

January 17, 1874
Armed Democrats seize Texas state government, ending Republican efforts to racially integrate government

September 14, 1874
Democrat white supremacists seize Louisiana statehouse in attempt to overthrow racially-integrated administration of Republican Governor William Kellogg 27 killed

March 1, 1875
Civil Rights Act of 1875, guaranteeing access to public accommodations without regard to race, signed by Republican President U.S. Grant passed with 92% Republican support over 100% Democrat opposition

September 20, 1876
Former state Attorney General Robert Ingersoll (R-IL) tells veterans: “Every man that loved slavery better than liberty was a Democrat… I am a Republican because it is the only free party that ever existed”

January 10, 1878
U.S. Senator Aaron Sargent (R-CA) introduces Susan B. Anthony amendment for women’s suffrage Democrat-controlled Senate defeated it 4 times before election of Republican House and Senate guaranteed its approval in 1919. Republicans foil Democratic efforts to keep women in the kitchen, where they belong

July 14, 1884
Republicans criticize Democratic Party’s nomination of racist U.S. Senator Thomas Hendricks (D-IN) for vice president he had voted against the 13th Amendment banning slavery

August 30, 1890
Republican President Benjamin Harrison signs legislation by U.S. Senator Justin Morrill (R-VT) making African-Americans eligible for land-grant colleges in the South

June 7, 1892
In a FIRST for a major U.S. political party, two women – Theresa Jenkins and Cora Carleton – attend Republican National Convention in an official capacity, as alternate delegates

February 8, 1894
Democrat Congress and Democrat President Grover Cleveland join to repeal Republicans’ Enforcement Act, which had enabled African-Americans to vote

December 11, 1895
African-American Republican and former U.S. Rep. Thomas Miller (R-SC) denounces new state constitution written to disenfranchise African-Americans

May 18, 1896
Republican Justice John Marshall Harlan, dissenting from Supreme Court’s notorious Plessy v. Ferguson “separate but equal” decision, declares: “Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens”

December 31, 1898
Republican Theodore Roosevelt becomes Governor of New York in 1900, he outlawed racial segregation in New York public schools

May 24, 1900
Republicans vote no in referendum for constitutional convention in Virginia, designed to create a new state constitution disenfranchising African-Americans

January 15, 1901
Republican Booker T. Washington protests Alabama Democratic Party’s refusal to permit voting by African-Americans

October 16, 1901
President Theodore Roosevelt invites Booker T. Washington to dine at White House, sparking protests by Democrats across the country

May 29, 1902
Virginia Democrats implement new state constitution, condemned by Republicans as illegal, reducing African-American voter registration by 86%

February 12, 1909
On 100th anniversary of Abraham Lincoln’s birth, African-American Republicans and women’s suffragists Ida Wells and Mary Terrell co-found the NAACP

June 18, 1912
African-American Robert Church, founder of Lincoln Leagues to register black voters in Tennessee, attends 1912 Republican National Convention as delegate eventually serves as delegate at 8 conventions

August 1, 1916
Republican presidential candidate Charles Evans Hughes, former New York Governor and U.S. Supreme Court Justice, endorses women’s suffrage constitutional amendment he would become Secretary of State and Chief Justice

May 21, 1919
Republican House passes constitutional amendment granting women the vote with 85% of Republicans in favor, but only 54% of Democrats in Senate, 80% of Republicans would vote yes, but almost half of Democrats no

April 18, 1920
Minnesota’s FIRST-in-the-nation anti-lynching law, promoted by African-American Republican Nellie Francis, signed by Republican Gov. Jacob Preus

August 18, 1920
Republican-authored 19th Amendment, giving women the vote, becomes part of Constitution 26 of the 36 states to ratify had Republican-controlled legislatures

January 26, 1922
House passes bill authored by U.S. Rep. Leonidas Dyer (R-MO) making lynching a federal crime Senate Democrats block it with filibuster

June 2, 1924
Republican President Calvin Coolidge signs bill passed by Republican Congress granting U.S. citizenship to all Native Americans

October 3, 1924
Republicans denounce three-time Democrat presidential nominee William Jennings Bryan for defending the Ku Klux Klan at 1924 Democratic National Convention

December 8, 1924
Democratic presidential candidate John W. Davis argues in favor of “separate but equal”

June 12, 1929
First Lady Lou Hoover invites wife of U.S. Rep. Oscar De Priest (R-IL), an African-American, to tea at the White House, sparking protests by Democrats across the country

August 17, 1937
Republicans organize opposition to former Ku Klux Klansman and Democrat U.S. Senator Hugo Black, appointed to U.S. Supreme Court by FDR his Klan background was hidden until after confirmation

June 24, 1940
Republican Party platform calls for integration of the armed forces for the balance of his terms in office, FDR refuses to order it

October 20, 1942
60 prominent African-Americans issue Durham Manifesto, calling on southern Democrats to abolish their all-white primaries

April 3, 1944
U.S. Supreme Court strikes down Texas Democratic Party’s “whites only” primary election system

August 8, 1945
Republicans condemn Harry Truman's surprise use of the atomic bomb in Japan. The whining and criticism goes on for years. It begins two days after the Hiroshima bombing, when former Republican President Herbert Hoover writes to a friend that "[t]he use of the atomic bomb, with its indiscriminate killing of women and children, revolts my soul."

February 18, 1946
Appointed by Republican President Calvin Coolidge, federal judge Paul McCormick ends segregation of Mexican-American children in California public schools

July 11, 1952
Republican Party platform condemns “duplicity and insincerity” of Democrats in racial matters

September 30, 1953
Earl Warren, California’s three-term Republican Governor and 1948 Republican vice presidential nominee, nominated to be Chief Justice wrote landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education

December 8, 1953
Eisenhower administration Asst. Attorney General Lee Rankin argues for plaintiffs in Brown v. Board of Education

May 17, 1954
Chief Justice Earl Warren, three-term Republican Governor (CA) and Republican vice presidential nominee in 1948, wins unanimous support of Supreme Court for school desegregation in Brown v. Board of Education

November 25, 1955
Eisenhower administration bans racial segregation of interstate bus travel

March 12, 1956
Ninety-seven Democrats in Congress condemn Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, and pledge to continue segregation

June 5, 1956
Republican federal judge Frank Johnson rules in favor of Rosa Parks in decision striking down “blacks in the back of the bus” law

October 19, 1956
On campaign trail, Vice President Richard Nixon vows: “American boys and girls shall sit, side by side, at any school – public or private – with no regard paid to the color of their skin. Segregation, discrimination, and prejudice have no place in America”

November 6, 1956
African-American civil rights leaders Martin Luther King and Ralph Abernathy vote for Republican Dwight Eisenhower for President

September 9, 1957
President Dwight Eisenhower signs Republican Party’s 1957 Civil Rights Act

September 24, 1957
Sparking criticism from Democrats such as Senators John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, President Dwight Eisenhower deploys the 82nd Airborne Division to Little Rock, AR to force Democrat Governor Orval Faubus to integrate public schools

June 23, 1958
President Dwight Eisenhower meets with Martin Luther King and other African-American leaders to discuss plans to advance civil rights

February 4, 1959
President Eisenhower informs Republican leaders of his plan to introduce 1960 Civil Rights Act, despite staunch opposition from many Democrats

May 6, 1960
President Dwight Eisenhower signs Republicans’ Civil Rights Act of 1960, overcoming 125-hour, around-the-clock filibuster by 18 Senate Democrats

July 27, 1960
At Republican National Convention, Vice President and eventual presidential nominee Richard Nixon insists on strong civil rights plank in platform

May 2, 1963
Republicans condemn Democrat sheriff of Birmingham, AL for arresting over 2,000 African-American schoolchildren marching for their civil rights

June 1, 1963
Democrat Governor George Wallace announces defiance of court order issued by Republican federal judge Frank Johnson to integrate University of Alabama

September 29, 1963
Gov. George Wallace (D-AL) defies order by U.S. District Judge Frank Johnson, appointed by President Dwight Eisenhower, to integrate Tuskegee High School

June 9, 1964
Republicans condemn 14-hour filibuster against 1964 Civil Rights Act by U.S. Senator and former Ku Klux Klansman Robert Byrd (D-WV), who still serves in the Senate

June 10, 1964
Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) criticizes Democrat filibuster against 1964 Civil Rights Act, calls on Democrats to stop opposing racial equality

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was introduced and approved by a staggering majority of Republicans in the Senate. The Act was opposed by most southern Democrat senators, several of whom were proud segregationists—one of them being Al Gore Sr. Democrat President Lyndon B. Johnson relied on Illinois Senator Everett Dirksen, the Republican leader from Illinois, to get the Act passed.

June 20, 1964
The Chicago Defender, renowned African-American newspaper, praises Senate Republican Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) for leading passage of 1964 Civil Rights Act

March 7, 1965
Police under the command of Democrat Governor George Wallace attack African-Americans demonstrating for voting rights in Selma, AL

March 21, 1965
Republican federal judge Frank Johnson authorizes Martin Luther King’s protest march from Selma to Montgomery, overruling Democrat Governor George Wallace

August 4, 1965
Senate Republican Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) overcomes Democrat attempts to block 1965 Voting Rights Act 94% of Senate Republicans vote for landmark civil right legislation, while 27% of Democrats oppose

August 6, 1965
Voting Rights Act of 1965, abolishing literacy tests and other measures devised by Democrats to prevent African-Americans from voting, signed into law higher percentage of Republicans than Democrats vote in favor

July 8, 1970
In special message to Congress, President Richard Nixon calls for reversal of policy of forced termination of Native American rights and benefits

September 17, 1971
Former Ku Klux Klan member and Democrat U.S. Senator Hugo Black (D-AL) retires from U.S. Supreme Court appointed by FDR in 1937, he had defended Klansmen for racial murders

February 19, 1976
President Gerald Ford formally rescinds President Franklin Roosevelt’s notorious Executive Order authorizing internment of over 120,000 Japanese-Americans during WWII

September 15, 1981
President Ronald Reagan establishes the White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and Universities, to increase African-American participation in federal education programs

June 29, 1982
President Ronald Reagan signs 25-year extension of 1965 Voting Rights Act

August 10, 1988
President Ronald Reagan signs Civil Liberties Act of 1988, compensating Japanese-Americans for deprivation of civil rights and property during World War II internment ordered by FDR

November 21, 1991
President George H. W. Bush signs Civil Rights Act of 1991 to strengthen federal civil rights legislation

August 20, 1996
Bill authored by U.S. Rep. Susan Molinari (R-NY) to prohibit racial discrimination in adoptions, part of Republicans’ Contract With America, becomes law

April 26, 1999
Legislation authored by U.S. Senator Spencer Abraham (R-MI) awarding Congressional Gold Medal to civil rights pioneer Rosa Parks is transmitted to President

January 25, 2001
U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee declares school choice to be “Educational Emancipation”

March 19, 2003
Republican U.S. Representatives of Hispanic and Portuguese descent form Congressional Hispanic Conference

May 23, 2003
U.S. Senator Sam Brownback (R-KS) introduces bill to establish National Museum of African American History and Culture

February 26, 2004
Hispanic Republican U.S. Rep. Henry Bonilla (R-TX) condemns racist comments by U.S. Rep. Corrine Brown (D-FL) she had called Asst. Secretary of State Roger Noriega and several Hispanic Congressmen “a bunch of white men. you all look alike to me”

There you have it. What a different country this would be, had not Republicans blocked the agenda of Democrats every step of the way. But this evil organization is far from through. Now, they want to give education vouchers to public school children, so kids of every race and class can attend private schools of their CHOICE. Where will we get our garbage collectors, dishwashers and ditch diggers if blacks, Hispanics and white trash have access to a good education? They are trying to stop undocumented immigration, meaning the cheapest labor Democrats have had since the days of slavery will be taken away. They are trying to end segregation and slavery all over again!

And in true Republican tradition, they just can't stop poking their nose into other people's business, trying to destroy a woman's right to choose. They are trying to crush the secret vision of Margaret Sanger, the founder of Planned Parenthood, who once said, ""We should hire three or four colored ministers, preferably with social-service backgrounds, and with engaging personalities. The most successful educational approach to the Negro is through a religious appeal. We don't want the word to go out that we want to exterminate the Negro population…"

Is there NO end to the freedoms these fascists will try to destroy?! No matter how many lies must be told, no matter how many schoolchildren must be mis-educated, no matter how many elections must be rigged, THE REPUBLICANS MUST BE STOPPED!

First Inaugural Address


We meet here today under conditions which strip the occasion of all gloss and pompous ceremony.

We meet as men and women assembled to undertake an emergency task—a task which for fulfillment will require that adherence to unity of purpose which we find in our fighting men as they respond to the call to their battle stations.

We meet here as representatives of the people of California in an hour of crisis. Hourly, thousands of those whom we represent will be offering their lives to protect our right to meet.

I feel that you legislators sitting before me will rise to a man in seconding the declaration that we must not leave these halls without a record of accomplishment in keeping with need. I know we are in agreement in the abstract thought that we have a patriotic duty to perform. But, more than that, I believe we are in agreement that we must immediately remove all mental barriers and get to work.

Thus, as we assemble at our battle stations, I appear before you, not only in compliance with statute, but because of an earnest wish to give you an understanding of my own thoughts in regard to our critical problems. I want to work with you. What we undertake and accomplish here during the next few months will radiate an influence upon the present and future well-being of every Californian and will contribute to the strengthening of the position of our Nation which is, in its entirety, being harnessed to the requirements of unprecedented mechanized global warfare.

The meaning of war—its compulsions, its disruptions, its distortions and its cold inclemency already shadows our lives and encompasses our thoughts. This Nation is, I repeat, caught in its entirety in the current of global strife. Where the ship of democracy sails we will sail for we are an integral part of the ship. We in California constitute a vital part of the ship structure—the exposed side of the ship at water’s edge.

As representatives of the people of California, we have been entrusted to find ways ofgearing the machinery of State Government so as both to absorb the shocks imposed by war and to alleviate the severity of postwar uncertainties.

In rising to the abnormal responsibility imposed, it is obvious that we must cut out all the dry rot of petty politics, partisan jockeying, inaction, dictatorial stubbornness and opportunistic thinking. We must seek with singleness of purpose to make use of every fiber of energy that can be tooled to close the niches of weakness which exist and harden the resistance to impacts to come.

There has never been a period in our history when the need for understanding and appreciation of the true concepts of democracy was so important. Nor has there been a session of the California Legislature at which the full use of democratic processes was more imperative.

We are in the midst of an era in which doubt has been cast upon the efficiency of democratic government. We are at war because in another land a power-mad sign painter capitalized upon the distress of a depressed and confused people to seize dictatorial powers. Once mobilized he raised his challenge to free men the world over in the belief that the Achilles heel of free government would be its indecision and slowness to act.

Our fighting men are disproving his false theory on far-flung battle fronts today but the theory will not be repudiated with finality until a double victory has been achieved. We glory in the caliber of our fighting men but let it never be considered that they alone are carrying the responsibility of our day. Confronting us here on the home front is an equally imperative challenge—the challenge for perfection of that for which they fight—the broadening of popular understanding, faith and reliance in the machinery of democracy and its religious ideals.

We gather here in accordance with the democratic principles for which young men from our home towns are manning guns in Tunisia, over North Africa, over Burma, on Guadalcanal, in Iceland, England, over all continents of the world and on each of the seven seas. We have seen the signs of confusion arise over the slowness of democracies to function. Ours is an opportunity to restore confidence in those who have become distraught and misguided. Ours is an opportunity to strengthen faith in men’s ability to work together for the common good.

I would not be here addressing you today if the people of this great State had not made their own analysis of their common problems and ordered a change in administration. They sent you here as legislators and honored me with the Governorship for one reason alone—they expect us to work together and produce results. They rely upon our ability to fix our minds upon common objectives which are in their interests and reach achievement in goals through cooperative action.

I share in this reliance. It is one of the reasons I have said many times that the immediate restoration of good will in California will be one of my primary objectives. I want to see State Government achieve a balance obtainable only through warm cooperation and courteous consideration. I recognize you, the Legislature, as a coordinate branch of democratic government, possessed of the dignity and the right to meet when you desire, and to plan and initiate legislation which is just as much in keeping with the public wish as that which I may suggest. I want to restore and maintain a balance of understanding and confidence which, through mutuality of effort, facilitates action in behalf of the people as a whole.

Californians Are Not Timid

As we approach our respective tasks let me say: This State has never been afraid to be progressive. It has never been afraid to try new things which it understood. I know that you as legislators are responsive to the ideals, principles and forward outlook which has so pronouncedly dominated California thought and that you share in the belief of the voters that no clique, no faction, and no party holds priority on all the rights of helping the common man.

I come before you today with a list of suggestions which I consider in need of immediate legislative attention. In making these suggestions, let me say at the outset that I believe we must, in facilitating the war effort, pursue what might be termed a policy of first things first. That which is involved in the war effort must of necessity be given preference.

There has accumulated in California a wide range of subject matter which, broadly interpreted, comes under the heading of “wartime legislative needs.” Some of it calls for remodeling and streamlining existing social and humanitarian endeavors which show the strain of war conditions. Some of it calls for progressive innovations which correct abuses and advance the considerations given those engaged in war effort. Much of it calls for the introduction of broad protective programs which will blossom forth with their peak benefits after the war has ended. And, some of it is strictly martial in character, the direct result of our specific position as a theater of war.

The impelling force of your session will be the need for action in compliance with the needs of war. In part, these war-time needs arise from aggravations of long-existing needs among the people. They loom as emergency in character today but they do so primarily because they have so far failed to win proper evaluation in our long-range planning. Ours is the challenge of so streamlining government that its efficiency meets the need of the day and at the same time moves forward in the recognition of older problems which we see accentuated by war.

In the latter we will meet the test of our knowledge of needs and also the test of our progressivism.

Must Protect Public Health

There has arisen in California since the conditions of war became so manifest, a tremendous problem involving public health. Long-established cities have found themselves transformed by population shifts into communities with burdens exceeding all previous conception. Even more startling has been the transformation of mere trailer camps into communities faced with the sanitary responsibilities of large cities.

Behind the outward veneer of these remarkable developments lurks a problem which must be given recognition by government. The strain upon sanitary facilities, the arrival of new peoples, and the extra hours of human effort required by war needs join in creating a health problem of undeniable magnitude. As we approach this problem, we must keep in mind the necessity of long range planning for the day will come when California becomes the funnel through which men, now fighting in strange lands throughout the world, will be returned to normal contacts. The tests of our ability to control and resist disease are destined to increase.

New Problems Confront Women

In our efforts to build protective services to the highest point of efficiency, we must direct new thought to those unprecedented considerations forced upon us by the emergency participation of women in war effort. We have seen women, by the thousands, respond patriotically to the call to relieve men needed elsewhere in war activities and, as they have responded, we have recognized the imposition of new strains upon our social structure. We must recognize that women have assumed their emergency burdens at the sacrifice of normal home life, normal family contacts and also, at the as yet unmeasured risk of impairment of health.

We must survey this field in its entirety to determine the extent to which human values are involved, for numbered among its deeper aspects is the question of stability of family influence. There must be no weakened generation in California chargeable to failure of the State to recognize the strains of this emergency upon either child welfare or sacrifices called for on the part of our women.

While our schools must, of necessity, perform services in connection with the war effort, we must guard against being sidetracked from appreciation of their fundamental purpose. We must remember that the schools are maintained for the training of our youth. Democracy is not a static form of government. It is maintained by constant struggle. Every generation finds a new assault being made against it by new forces with new devices and the struggle for freedom is always the greatest task of the future as it has been throughout the past. The permanence of a democracy will therefore depend upon the training and inspiration provided for its youth.

Nor should we permit the hysteria of war times to cause neglect in our responsibility to such of our youth as loses its way in these times of uncertainty. We want a program for child welfare designed to bring out the best in every child.

In this field there lies a neglected opportunity through which we can make a great additional contribution of future welfare. From out of a long experience in law-enforcement work. I have come to feel with certainty that we have been making a wrong approach to our crime problem. I am convinced we must revise our programs so that the emphasis is place upon prevention instead of suppression. If we can bring our juvenile courts, our trial courts, our law-enforcement agencies and our penal institutions into harmony with such an approach, I am confident we will have made a definite contribution to our future welfare.

We have, I feel, already agreed upon the necessity of expanding the influence of the California Youth Correction Authority. I visualize such transfers and consolidations of existing agencies as will streamline, under this authority, all services in the interests of youth in dire need of a helping hand. In broader aspect, I visualize adherence to a policy in all government activities that reflects a sincere desire to help men, women and children to develop and unfold the best that is within them—something that can never be done under a policy which places reliance almost entirely upon crime suppression.

In our efforts to rehabilitate those whose missteps in adult life have led to State assumption of responsibility, I want to take every bit of politics out of the parole system and the pardoning power. I shall appoint to the Board of Prison Terms and Paroles only men of character, experience and a healthy normal approach of our prison problems. We must make certain that those who are paying their debt to society are not ground further into the mire by the pressure of the cruel heel of politics.

People, men, women and children, can not develop the best that is within them without doing useful work. Our practice of matter-of-fact confinement of people without affording them, through work, an outlet for body and mental energy, is wholly wrong. I want to stimulate the employment of all people in our penal institutions. I want to see them engaged in activities which develop their bodies and spur their desire to be restored to society.

I shall later ask you to consider a new approach to the parole problem. There lies within most men who have been removed from ordinary contact with society, a desire to prove their right to the confidence of their fellow man. Procedure could be established under which these men could be restored to community life and permitted, through rightful living, to earn pardon recognition from the courts in the community in which they have demonstrated a right to such consideration.

As we approach the serious emergency problems which have arisen as a result of the war, I want to express the hope that there can be developed a new co-relation between the efforts of cities, counties and State agencies. I believe that the very essence of democracy is the right of people to govern themselves and this starts in local communities. Our State administration must be responsive to the needs of the people and it must counsel with and be ever regardful of the thoughts of smaller units of government. I say this because I believe it to be fundamental. People retain their interest in government only as they are encouraged to participate in it, and it is in local government that we find the greatest opportunity for participation and therefore the greatest reflection of public will.

We must, in our State Government, increase the flexibility of all agencies which are not yet fully participating in the war effort and break down those barriers which retard decision and action. In accomplishing this we will be doing no more than accepting the responsibility of leadership which is expected. We face no greater immediate challenge than to turn loose the full power of State energy in search of solutions for which farm, industrial and labor groups are now groping as they strive to meet unprecedented production demands.

We have desperate need at the moment of advancing in the solution of our critical farm labor problem. Our contribution to the better utilization of such man power as is available will come only after study of the participation that can be expected of our men, women and children and of possible supplemental labor from sources developed in cooperation with the Federal Government. We must make certain that this study is not prolonged beyond the present brief seasonal respite from peak demand.

Our State has mushroomed in industrial growth and at the same time made heavy contributions to the armed forces. Proper emergency utilization of all labor otherwise available is becoming a matter, not only of State, but of National concern. It rises as a problem which we must recognize as far too serious to be hampered by false conceptions or the delays of red tape.

Supplementing this urgency consideration of man-power utilization there must be launched a companion study of postwar utilization. Patriotic duty is now causing dislocations which will later sorely test our recuperative powers. Yet, I hold that it is possible to plan now in a manner which will add to our strength when these postwar tests occur.

The California I visualize after the war is not one which we have so far known. It is a greater California—a California which has recognized its resources and opportunities and made them ready for peacetime utilization.

There have been introduced into California during recent months vast shipbuilding, aircraft and war material industries which came here, not as a result of normal competitive advantages, but as a result of Nationally directed war effort. Regardless of how they came, they are shaping the destiny of our State and changing our economy. Whether these sources of man-power utilization and productive energy remain with us after the war will depend, in a large measure, upon our appreciation of opportunity.

If we are to move forward rapidly after the war, we must do those things required to attract and hold these and other industries in competition with the rest of the world. To hold them we must make for ourselves every advantage which our geographical position, our climate , the rich deposits in our hills, and our many other resources permit. We must probe beneath the surface and exploit those advantages which have heretofore been but vaguely recognized.

Proper development of these and other resources will inescapably call for new considerations in connection with highway planning. Here again is an activity of State Government which I hope can be raised to a scientific level far above the hindrances of petty politics. In substitute for a wholly political highway commission, I believe there should be set up a division of highways which will utilize in the full the research and planning done by our capable State engineers.

Ours is the task of so planning the conservation and development of our resources that industry feeds upon them for its own peacetime recovery and in so doing increases the utilization of our man power. In pursuance of this task we will be adhering to what I believe to be a fundamental principle of democratic government—the encouragement of free enterprise in a manner which benefits the people as a whole. I hold to the conviction that government and industry share joint obligation in this connection. It is the obligation to so plan and organize that our people have assurance of security and adequate return for services rendered—the opportunity to work.

As safeguards against extremes which may cause a lag in the full realization of our peacetime development, I urge the preparation of a manpower utilization program which can serve to take up the slack. We must avoid a return to the dole. We must set ourselves to the scientific preparation of a backlog of construction projects which coordinate in purpose and service the physical improvement of our State and the bolstering of morale through beneficial utilization of surplus man power.

In supplement to these studies, it is my hope that a way can be found of improving the lot of our elder citizens through the broadening of our approach to the pension problem. They are the first to suffer in periods of labor surplus and the last to receive the benefits of industrial activity. They are therefore entitled to our consideration.

It is my conviction that our pension system should not be based upon the requirement of pauperism. I want it to be based upon social right. I believe, as most of you believe, that the ultimate solution of the pension problem will come through advances made on a National scale. Yet, we should not permit this thought to delay our own efforts to build and maintain a pension structure within the limits of our ability to pay.

No sound contribution can be made by us in the advancement of our own and National thinking on the pension problem without removing the issue from the field of politics and propaganda. There must be a correlation of all sincere thinking on the subject in order that we may move in unison toward the most practical goal obtainable. In furtherance of this thought, I am preparing to appoint a representative committee whose duty it shall be to examine the entire problem and prepare a basic report for your immediate consideration.

Reorganize Civilian Defense

California is caught, not only in the economic grasp of these uncertain times but faces specific uncertainties arising from actual military conflict. We reside in a theater of war. State leadership has no patriotic alternative but to assume responsibility for assisting all agencies in the protection of life, home and property.

We must guard against the emotional fluctuations produced by daily variances in the news of the war and proceed to place government in a position to perform with promptness and thoroughness all emergency services which may be required. We must offer the people a positive type of leadership—one backed with authority to act and advise—one which invites full public cooperation and confidence.

In making an approach to the reorganization of procedures surrounding our civilian defense efforts, we are all aware that there must, in the interests of speed and complete efficiency, be some further emergency power and authority in the State Government. In this connection, however, I would want you, as legislators, to satisfy yourselves in full measure that the innovations adopted will not destroy that fine balance between the executive and legislative processes which our National and State Constitutions contemplate.

There must be a new analysis made of the general scheme of civilian defense and law enforcement and it must be made with new conceptions of the need for closely knit action on the part of all city, county, State, National and volunteer agencies. We must achieve a new balance of responsibility and cooperation between State and local governments.

It is my intention to treat the entire subject of civilian defense more fully in a special message to the Legislature and ask that you give its proposals your earliest consideration. It will be my request that you reexamine the entire civilian defense structure in a cooperative effort to clarify, revitalize and complete our emergency protections.

It shall be my purpose to afford you the benefit of factual information developed in separate studies encouraged by my office and to urge your consultation with many men and women whom I have found possess broad understanding of specific phases of the problem. I take occasion now to commend to you the efforts of the officers and men of the State guard who have labored under difficulties to build and maintain that important branch of protective service. Nor should words of encouragement be omitted for that body of citizenry which has shown a patriotic willingness to mobilize for auxiliary law enforcement and other war services in home communities.

Must Protect State Surplus

California is now favored with a sizeable surplus. It has come to us very largely from taxes upon war industry. It comes to us in trust, for it is the money of all the people of California.

This surplus, by its very existence, constitutes a constant temptation to everyone to spend it just because it is there. Everyone sees, according to his own lights, a way, a place and a need for spending it and in some instances even for purposes that have never before been considered State purposes.

I hold to the conviction that this money must be lifted above the dissipating reach of grab-bag tactics. If we yield to such temptations, this surplus will soon be transformed into a deficit by processes which will result in an actual denial of the interests of the people as a whole. I want to see this money either committed for essential State projects or conserved. It is my firm belief that we must use this money for the war effort which produced it and for essential services of government or conserve it faithfully for purposes which will relieve the distress which inevitably follows wars.

Later this month there will be presented, for your analysis, the Administration recommendation in regard to budgetary allotments. I can say to you now that the principle under which this budget is being prepared grants recognition to the times, both in proposed curtailment of expenditures unrelated to war effort and in extra allowance to efforts which can be made the forerunners of better times for our people when the war has ended. We will make provision, not only for war needs but also for the humanitarian services which will keep our structure strong.

We are undertaking moves toward general economy at a time when our tax structure is producing revenue in surplus amounts. It follows, therefore, that we must, in the interests of already burdened taxpayers, proceed immediately to the examination of possibilities for tax reduction.

It is my belief that taxes can be reduced. In evaluating our financial position, however, I see danger signs which we can not afford to ignore to the point of extreme action. We must bear in mind that the conditions which have created our favorable revenue balance are of a highly transient nature and of a type likely to leave a swell of new problems in their wake. It is not wise, under such circumstances, to blindly trade tax stability for temporary advantage.

It is my intention to render all service and assistance possible to the Legislature as it examines the opportunities for altering and reducing our revenue claims upon the people. In an effort to expedite the development of factual information, I am preparing to appoint a committee of representative citizens which will be charged with the responsibility of submitting recommendations for general consideration I am proceeding in this manner in the belief that there is need for full discussion of all phases of the problem. It is a practice I shall follow whenever possible in dealing with difficult problems for it is predicated upon my belief that democracy thrives best when it encourages the suggestions of all.

Civil Service Needs Protection

No State Administration can rise above the standards of public service which it maintains. In California we have endeavored to elevate and fix the standards of personnel through a comprehensive system of civil service. The provisions of our Constitution and the statues on the subject entitle us to a position of leadership throughout the Nation.

There is a general consciousness today that the administration of these laws has, in recent years, been such that the entire structure of civil service is in danger. The situation is not the fault of civil service employees themselves for they have been zealous in trying to guard and respect the protections afforded them. It is the direct result of the brazen application of political pressure upon them. Such tactics must cease immediately. Civil service must be restored to its rightful place where the applicant for public service obtains a position through honest competition and merit and retains that position because of merit.

One can not probe, within the limitations of a single speech, into all the problems which lie before us, and it is not my purpose here to do so. It is my sincere hope that, through warm association and frequent exchanges of ideas, we can advance together in the solution of our common problems.

We meet at a time when the full might of our energy must be loosed to help rid the world of evil aggression which is ravenously feeding upon the rights of free men. Ours is the responsibility of organizing State efficiency in every direction which will help speed the military conclusion of the conflict.

Paralleling this endeavor must be the assumption of responsibility for preventing the backlash of emergency disruptions from undermining confidence in the structure of democracy itself. Our stake in the struggle is both the prevention of the eclipse of our right to improve our way of life and the prevention of the destruction of the way of life itself.

This is an era of crisis. Christianity itself will wander homeless over the world unless we fight for the right to harbor it in open covenant in our hearts and keep its light reflecting through our social, economic and political undertakings. These are times when the requisites for courage and cool deliberate action press upon us in inseparable demand. These are times when the formula of government must be derived from the deepest conceptions within men’s hearts.

It is with this consciousness and with the determination to make our State Administration serve all the people that I assume my duties as Governor of California.

Watch the video: Ο Κόμης Μόντε Κρίστο 1975 HD 720p ελληνικοί υπότιτλοι (January 2023).

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